Wildpoldsried. Doing it Right

German Town Produces Hydro Surplus. Wildpolsried

It’s no surprise that the country that has kicked butt at the Solar Decathlon competition (to produce energy positive solar houses) year after year is the home to such a productive energy-efficient village.


The village’s green initiative first started in 1997 when the village council decided that it should build new industries, keep initiatives local, bring in new revenue, and create no debt. Over the past 14 years, the community has equipped nine new community buildings with solar panels, built four biogas digesters (with a fifth in construction now) and installed seven windmills with two more on the way. In the village itself, 190 private households have solar panels while the district also benefits from three small hydro power plants, ecological flood control, and a natural waste water system.

All of these green systems means that despite only having a population of 2,600, Wildpoldsried produces 321 percent more energy than it needs – and it’s generating 4.0 million Euro (US $5.7 million) in annual revenue by selling it back to the national grid. It is no surprise to learn that small businesses have developed in the village specifically to provide services to the renewable energy installations.

Over the years the village’s green goals have been so successful that they have even crafted a mission statement — WIR–2020, Wildpoldsried Innovativ Richtungsweisend (Wildpoldsried Innovative Leadership). The village council hopes that it will inspire citizens to do their part for the environment and create green jobs and businesses for the local area.

As a result of the village’s success, Wildpoldsried has received numerous national and international awards for its conservation and renewable energy initiatives known as Klimaschutz (climate protection). The council even hosts tours for other village councils on how to start their own Klimaschutz program. The Mayor has even been doing global tours ever since the Fukushima disaster.

Mayor Zengerle has gone to Romania, Berlin and the Black Sea Region to speak about how these places can transform their communities and make money in the process. Speaking to Biocycle, Mayor Zengerle said, “The mitigation of climate change in practice can only be implemented with the citizens and with the Village Council behind them 100 percent of the way. This model cannot be forced from only one side. We often spend a lot of time talking to our visitors about how to motivate the village council (and Mayor) to start thinking differently. We show them a best practices model in motion and many see the benefits immediately. From the tour we give, our guests understand how well things can operate when you have the enthusiasm and conviction of the people.”

Read more http://www.trueactivist.com/german-village-produces-321-more-energy-than-it-needs/




in fieldhemp_bundled-thumb-375x500

For grain production, desired final plant population is around 100-150  plants/m2. Like fibre hemp, seeds are still planted in 15-18  cm (6-7 in.) rows. Soil temperature determines the optimum planting date.  This date may range from late April in Kent and Essex counties to late May in Northern Ontario. Do not plant after the first week of June. Observations in Northern Ontario indicate that grain yield may not respond as positively to early planting as does fibre yield, but early planting may help to         advance the harvest date.


Tamm determined that hempseed needs a minimum temperature of 1-2o C for germination and emergence. It should not be sown until the soil temperature rises to 10o C. The optimum temperature is 35o C; the maximum is 45o C, at which temperature the seeds sprout within 12 days. Young hemp plants can survive frost as low as -5o C, but the plants will stop growing even if warm weather follows. The temperature range for hemp growth is 19-25o C (66-77o F). Hemp enters into its rapid growth stage (about 2 inches/day) when the average temperature rises to 16o C (61o F). If southern varieties of hemp are grown in northern latitudes, however, the fiber might not attain technical maturity within 110-115 days, and certainly their seeds will not ripen. The farmer must consider this when selecting a hemp cultivar for his location.

FROM A VERY GOOD STUDY: http://www.rexresearch.com/hhusb/hh2cul.htm



Production is estimated using information on yield and acres harvested. Industrial hemp yield

(grain or fibre) varies with variety, plant population, soil conditions, timing of harvest, and annual

climatic conditions. The highest seed yield recorded to date in Canada has topped 2,000 lbs per acre; an average yield is between 600 to 800 lbs per acre, but rising (Canadian Hemp Trade Alliance). An acre will also produce an average of 5,300 lbs of straw, which can be transformed into about 1,300 lbs of fibre.


There is a Hungarian expert. He states: We called this cultivar “UNIKO-B”. It is, in fact, a “single-cross” between Kompolti and Fibrimon, but it is the F2 generation which is commercialized. Von Sengbusch and Hoffmann described the phenomenon, but they did not think of its practical use. In Kompolt we make the cross between Kompolti and Fibrimon on a surface of 5 hectare (ha), this yields 2,500 kg of F1 seed. The F1 seed is sown on a surface of 500 ha, yielding 400,000 kg of F2 seed, which is used to sow 3,000-3,500 ha of fibre hemp. So F1 ratio is five will see 500 (10 to 1) and F2 is 500 to 3,500 (or 3,000) so the ratio is 6 or 7 to 1.

Intervie with Ivan Bocsa,   http://druglibrary.org/olsen/hemp/iha/iha01215.html



Fiber hemp grows best in well        drained soil that doesn’t crust and that holds moisture        within two or three inches of the surface. (154) Illinois        experts recommend silt loams and clay loams. (155) Iowa        experts emphasize good drainage, (156) noting that soggy        soil produces weak fiber. (157) A USDA agronomist        declared Missouri’s soil and climate        “favorable” for commercial hemp. (158) In the        1940’s , northwest and southeast Missouri were considered        the best areas in the state for commercial hemp        production. (159) An acre that produces 75-80 bushels of        corn can produce 2.5-3.0 tons of hemp, (160) but land        that produces slightly lower corn yields may produce far        lower hemp yields. (161) Fertility is crucial to hemp        yield.

Although nitrogen appears        unimportant to growth of wild hemp (162), good nitrogen        supply improves yields of cultivated stalk. Commercial        nitrogen fertilizer works, and so does crop rotation.        (163) Planting hemp after alfalfa or clover works well,        planting after soybeans helps to a lesser extent. (164)        Phosphorus and potassium can be helpful, and manure is        universally recommended. (165) Authorities note, however,        that fertilizers may increase yield of stalk but decrease        yield and quality of fiber from the stalk, (166) thus        fertilizer application requires knowledgeable judgment.        Although hemp crops remove quite a bit of nutrient, (167)        hemp sheds leaves that return nutrients to the field, and        upper leaves remaining on stalks drop to the ground as        part of the field “retting” process described        below. (168) In field retting the soil also recovers        about 20% (by weight) of organic material from stalks,        and farmers can plow stubble under. (169) Hemp’s net        extraction from soil fertility is thereby less than many        other crops (170) and is considered comparable to corn.        (171) Corn, incidentally, does well when planted after        hemp. (172) During the 1970’s in France winter wheat        commonly followed hemp. (173) French growers find that        hemp clears weeds and cereal parasites from wheat fields,        and the deep hemp roots help with tilling. (174) Hemp        crops are noted for improving physical condition of soil.        (175) Indeed, hemp has been recommended as a crop for        soil building purposes. (176) U. S. hemp production fell        after World War II because planted acreage fell, not        because soil fertility declined. (177)

Fields can be plowed in fall or        spring, though some authorities recommend fall. Hemp        thrives in the type of seedbed prepared for alfalfa.        (178) Seed can be broadcast or planted by seed drill no        deeper than one inch; drilling improves yield. (179) Seed        is about the size of wheat, 44 pounds to the bushel, and        33-55 pounds per acre are recommended for fiber crops.        (180) Higher seeding rates don’t increase the yield of        stalks per acre, but can increase yield of fiber from        stalks. (181) Experiments suggest that treatment with        seed disinfectants have small or zero effect on yield.        (182) In the Midwest the best time to plant hemp is after        oats and before corn. (183) The first week of May may be        ideal around Ames, Iowa. (184) Growing season is 120        days.

Hemp grows quickly and reaches        heights of 5 to 15 feet; for fiber production, height of        6 to 8 feet and stalk thickness of 0.25 inch is ideal.        (185) Fiber hemp is planted in thick stands (20 or more        plants per square foot) that smother weeds. Few diseases        or pests trouble crops. Once seedlings appear, farmers        rarely must do anything until harvest. Hard rain is        unlikely to lodge hemp, but strong hail can damage crops        (by destroying leaves and thereby harming plant growth).        (186) Fiber hemp needs ample moisture, and drought harms        crops; a climate with at least 30 inches of annual        rainfall is recommended. (187) In the 1920’s authorities        reported irrigation to be feasible. (188)

Traditionally in the United        States, mills that contracted for crops rented mechanized        hemp harvesting equipment to farmers, relieving farmers        from the large up-front cash outlay that purchase of such        equipment would require. (189) In the 1940’s equipment        rental in the federal program was $ 4 to $ 7 per        harvested acre, deducted from crop payment by the mill        rather than paid up-front by the farmer. (190) Private        mills had similar arrangements with their growers. (191)        Harvest starts in late August and continues through        September. American authorities recommend harvesting        while pollen sheds and before seeds form. (192) Before        1967 French growers harvested after seed matured, but        French practice now follows the American one. (193)

If harvested stalks are stacked        and stored in dry conditions they will keep for years.        They do not have to be processed right away. (194)

Normally, harvested fiber stalks        must be “retted.” In retting, stalks are        commonly left on the ground for weeks or months so        weather may start to decompose them, making it easier for        breaking and scutching mills to remove fiber from stalks.        Field retting is sometimes called dew retting. Heavy dew,        “reasonably high” humidity , and intermittent        rain are important for field retting. (195) Stalks can        also be retted underwater in ponds or tanks. This method        produces better fiber than field retting, but in the        1940’s American technology did not make water retting        economical in comparison with field retting. (196)        Research at Iowa State College established that        controlled water retting could be accomplished in 36        hours. (197) The head of the federal hemp program        declared in 1944, “If a program of controlled        retting can be developed, I am very confident that there        is no limit as to the tonnage that can be grown        successfully and profitably in this country.” (198)        One account from the 1970’s noted a Swedish water retting        operation with capacity for 150 tons of stalk at any        given time, producing 33 tons of fiber per day. (199)        Some work has been done in processing unretted hemp.        (200) Retting is universally considered the hardest part        of hemp farming, because shrewd judgment is needed to        determine when the crop is properly retted. Fiber yields        from improperly retted crops are inferior.

In the 1980’s Canadian Hemp        Industries Corporation demonstrated a decorticator that        stripped fiber from stalks upon harvest in the field        without retting. (201) Such technology eliminates the        riskiest part of raising hemp fiber crops, making them        more economically viable than they were in the 1940’s.

After stalks are field retted,        they are bound and shocked. These steps typically occur        at the peak of soybean and corn silo filling, and require        more labor than corn harvesting, but 1940’s farm        operations handled the labor demand. (202) Until around        World War I hemp farming was labor intensive, but        mechanical harvesters and mill machinery dramatically        reduced labor requirements. In the 1920’s mechanized        Wisconsin hemp farmers were able to compete with cheap        foreign labor. (203) In 1943 a typical Illinois hemp farm        required 19.4 man hours per acre for the season. (204)

Farmers send bales of retted        stalks to breaking mills.

As a general rule, the higher the        yield of stalks per acre, the higher the quality of fiber        from that yield. (205)


Although Missouri had large hemp        fiber crops in the 1800’s, the last remnants of the        state’s hemp production in the 1940’s supplied seed for        fiber growers. (206)

Climate and soil types        recommended for fiber production are essentially the same        for seed production, although ample soil calcium is        emphasized for seed. (207)

Seed hemp is commonly planted in        hills 4 or 5 feet apart, thinned to 3-5 young plants.        (208) Plants become bushy.

With American varieties growing        season for seed is at least 180 days. (209) Traditional        harvest method is to cut the plants by hand 8-24 inches        above the ground, and shock small bundles of them. After        drying (a process taking a few days to 3 weeks) each        shock is put on a tarpaulin and seeds are manually beaten        off with sticks. “While this seems a rather crude        way of collecting the seed, it is doubtless the most        economical and practical method that may be devised. The        seed falls so readily from the dry hemp stalks that it        would be impossible to move them without a very great        loss. Furthermore, it would be very difficult to handle        plants 10 to 14 feet high, with rigid branches 3 to 6        feet in length, so as to feed them to any kind of        thrashing machine.” (210) Seed for new crops is sent        to a cleaning mill. Seed for oil is shipped to a crusher.

Although traditional U. S.        cultivation practice requires farmers to choose between        fiber or seed production, foreign seed growers have        harvested seed stalks for low grade fiber. (211) Before        the mid-1960’s such practice was also traditional among        fiber growers in France, where fiber is used for paper        rather than textiles, and can therefore be of lower        quality. Seed harvested this way is used for animal feed        and for planting new crops. (212) American experience        indicates that such seed is poor for new crops, however.        (213)


BILL MAURER http://seekingalpha.com/article/1709672-is-cisco-a-capital-return-dream-stock?source=email_rt_mc_related_0

Over the last couple of months, I’ve explored the capital return plans of Intel (INTC), Microsoft (MSFT), and Apple (AAPL). Those are three large-cap tech giants that are returning billions to shareholders in the forms of dividends and buybacks. One name on that list I really haven’t examined intensely is Cisco Systems (CSCO). The networking giant is another name with an impressive dividend and solid buyback. The question today for investors is whether or not they should consider this name a capital return dream stock. Should Cisco be grouped in with the other three names? Let’s take a look.

Recent uses of cash:

To be a capital return dream stock, a company obviously has to return a good chunk of cash to its shareholders. The table below shows some key cash numbers that investors will key in on. These have been taken from the most recent 10-K, and I’m only including the line items explicitly shown in the table. For instance, I have not included shares repurchased for tax withholdings on vesting of restricted stock units. Dollar values are in millions. Years below are fiscal, which end in July.

Cash flow from operations has increased nicely. Obviously, the more cash a company produces, the more it can return to shareholders, unless of course it puts it back into the business (capital expenditures). Cisco has made some large acquisitions recently. They acquired NDS last year for $5 billion in total considerations, which you can see in the business acquisitions number above. Even with that large purchase, the amount of dividends paid and buyback line items on the cash flow statement still increased. Cisco has announced the purchase of Sourcefire (FIRE), which will reduce its cash balance by approximately $2.7 billion. That should close in the 2014 fiscal year, so that will factor into the business acquisitions category.

Just a couple of years ago, Cisco did not pay a dividend. It started in 2011, and has increased it greatly since. You can see that in the table above, as dividend payments have risen from $658 million to over $3.3 billion in just two fiscal years. I’ve charted the dividend date below, using payment dates, and I added 1/20/11 as an artificial date to show that the dividend was zero at that point.

Cisco has gone from no dividend to $0.17 a share per quarter in just over two years. That’s a great increase, and it makes Cisco a decent dividend play. Cisco does not have the highest yield in large cap tech land, as I’ll show later, but there is room for the dividend to increase nicely in future years. I’ll show why in the next section.

Balance sheet update:

To execute a strong capital return plan, a company must have a strong balance sheet. Cisco fits in that category. The following table shows some key balance sheet metrics, which I’ll use to further analyze the name. As above, dollar values are in millions.

*Liabilities to Assets ratio.

One key number is the domestic held part of the cash balance, which has increased nicely in recent years, but will decline after the Sourcefire purchase is complete. Cisco can only use its US based cash resources for dividends and buybacks, so the above increase is very nice. You’ll notice that a large portion of its cash pile is located outside the US, which is not uncommon for a large-cap tech name. While some of Cisco’s short-term ratios have decreased a little, the company has reduced debt a little and the liabilities/assets ratio has improved. Cisco’s balance sheet is in great shape, and I wouldn’t be concerned even if the current ratio came down a little more.

Comparisons to other tech names:

I mentioned above that foreign funds can’t be used for dividends and buybacks. Those funds, if brought back into the US, would be open to repatriation taxes, which many companies want to avoid. The following table shows a comparison of top tech names, including Google (GOOG), and their domestic versus foreign cash piles.

*Apple’s number includes cash, short and long-term investments. The other names are just cash and short-term investments.

**Numbers are rounded, so foreign and domestic held numbers could be slightly off the actual amount.

Cisco has the 3rd highest percentage of domestic cash. Even if you take out the Sourcefire money, it would still be in that 3rd place spot. Cisco is in a better position than Microsoft, which just announced a huge dividend increase and new large buyback. It will be interesting to see if Microsoft adds any debt to pay for its capital returns, or whether they can do it from current cash flows.

In terms of the dividend, Cisco remains in third place. The following chart shows Cisco against the other three dividend names, with annual yields as of Monday’s close.

Cisco remains a bit behind Microsoft and Intel, two names I don’t think it will challenge anytime soon. Cisco does maintain a dividend yield advantage over Apple at the moment, but if you put Apple back below $450 where it was recently, Apple is close to Cisco. Also, Cisco does not have the buyback power of Apple currently.

Where Cisco goes from here:

It’s been a little over a year since Cisco announced its promise to return at least 50% of free cash flow to investors in the form of dividends and buybacks. I’ve already shown above how they’ve increased the dividend nicely, and I expect further increases in the coming years. I would not be surprised if Cisco tries to keep its dividend around the 3% annual yield area when it announces each yearly raise, assuming the stock were to rise over time.

So the interesting item to think about is the buyback. At the end of the latest quarter, Cisco had approximately $3.1 billion remaining on its current buyback plan. Based on recent quarterly numbers, that plan should end roughly in a year, give or take a quarter or two. So I would start to look for an announcement on a potential new plan over the next couple of quarters.

Cisco certainly has the financial flexibility to continue buying back stock. It could choose to announce a smaller plan, say $10 billion, that could be executed over a couple of years, or it could announce a larger plan with no expiration, like Microsoft just did. The interesting decision is whether or not Cisco chooses to take out debt and accelerate a plan. Apple recently did that, and Apple might even expand its buyback even more. An expanded buyback would help boost Cisco’s earnings per share right away, but as I showed above, it does have a bit of debt already.

Would it be wise to take out debt for buybacks? It would only if it would be short-term debt with lower interest rates. That way, you could buy back shares yielding 2.70%, and have a cash flow savings on the difference between that yield and the after-tax cost of interest. It would not make sense to buy back stock if Cisco needed to take out longer term debt, like say 30 year debt, with an interest rate of 4.50% or higher. At that point, the deal would be cash flow negative up front.

Final thoughts:

Cisco appears to be a capital return dream stock, and if you don’t consider it one already, you probably should going forward. Cisco has bought back almost $80 billion in stock since 2001, and the company now has a solid dividend that has grown tremendously since its inception two years ago. The amount of Cisco’s buyback over the next few years will depend on Cisco’s acquisition pace, and the company has made two large purchases recently. Cisco’s dividend is between Apple’s and the Microsoft/Intel duo right now, where I feel it will remain for quite some time.

BILL MAURER Source: Is Cisco A Capital Return Dream Stock?

Marinating Chanterelles

Italian Marinated Mushrooms

By Hank Shaw on March 17, 2012 |from/via: http://www.cookingwithrosetta.com/cookbook.html

{{Rosetta’s new site is:  http://cookingwithrosetta.com/?p=4550  }}

Here’s something I’m going to try with 5 lbs of wild chanterelles.


how to preserve porcini Funghi sott’olio. So much more than just an Italian version of pickled mushrooms. I’ve eaten these as part of an antipasti plate since I was a kid. Standard pickled mushrooms, let’s face it, can be slippery and even rubbery. Not a great texture. But these are meaty, chewy and just a shade funky — mushroomy in all the best ways.

I never really knew just how the Italians did it until I read Rosetta Costantino’s My Calabria. In it, Costantino reveals her family’s method for preserving mushrooms in oil, and when I read her recipe, I was immediately struck by how similar it is to a Sicilian technique I use every year when I have too much zucchini. Makes sense, as Calabria is only a few miles from Sicily.

mushrooms preserved in oil recipe
Basically you need to remove water from the mushrooms, then boil them in vinegar, then dry them out a bit before submerging in oil. It is a method I’ve seen done with a lot of foods, even meat on occasion. What this particular do-si-do of preservation does is first use salt to pull the existing water from the food. Once the food is reasonably dry, acidify it with vinegar — bad bugs find it tough to survive in low Ph environments. Finally, keep air (and molds) off the food by submerging it in olive oil.

You should know there is no official USDA protocol for this method of preservation. Costantino tried to get the government to give its vaguely papal gesture for her recipe, but they declined. Suffice to say it works: The Italians have been doing it for centuries, if not millennia.

I tested this method with four kinds of mushrooms: button mushrooms, hedgehog mushrooms, chanterelles and porcini. You need a meaty mushroom to begin with or this method will not work. Other mushrooms I might try preserving sott’olio would be blewits, pig’s ears (Gomphus clavatus), shiitake, matsutake, king trumpet mushrooms, and maybe chicken of the woods. Bottom line: The ‘shroom’s gotta have heft.

That’s why porcini and their boletus cousins are the ideal. Try this with a leccinum or a birch bolete and you’ll transform a mediocre mushroom into something special.

spring porcini
A few pointers to start:
•Wash your mushrooms and trim any bad spots. Be sure the mushrooms are not wormy.
•Use high quality ingredients: Good olive oil, sea salt, quality vinegar, good lemons. You can definitely taste the difference.
•Store your mushrooms in glass containers, in the fridge. It is entirely possible that they are shelf stable, but I am not a fan of botulism, so I keep mine in the refrigerator.

The recipe that follows is approximate. You may need more or less of the ingredients to fit your containers. One tip: Start with more mushrooms than you think you need. They shrink a lot in this process, and are so good you will run out long before you’re tired of eating them.

chanterelles preserved in oil
Italian marinated mushrooms

These may just be the best marinated mushrooms you will ever eat. This method of preserving them highlights how meaty certain mushrooms can be, and the marinade is a perfect blend of Italian flavors: lemon, chile, olive oil, oregano. I have found that boletes are the best for this: porcini, birch boletes, leccinum species and the like. But as you can see from the picture above, chanterelles work well, as does any other meaty mushroom. For store-bought shrooms, use crimini, shiitake or king trumpets.

You don’t need any special equipment to make these mushrooms, but you need time. It takes a day to make them. But it is more than worth it. First of all, they will keep in the fridge for 6 months — if you can keep yourself from eating them all. I guarantee that if you set a bowl of these out on an appetizer tray, they will be gone in minutes.

1 pint.

Prep Time: 24 hours, most of it passive

Cook Time: 5 minutes
•3-4 pounds small, meaty mushrooms
•2 pints white vinegar or cider vinegar
•Kosher salt or pure sea salt
•Zest of a lemon, sliced into wide strips
•4 dried hot chiles, split lengthwise
•1 tablespoon dried oregano
•1 cup extra virgin olive oil


Cut the mushrooms into reasonable pieces. With small mushrooms, like a button mushroom, you need only cut them in half, and you can leave the smaller ones whole. With large chanterelles and porcini, cut them into 1/2 inch thick slices. They will shrink a lot in this process, and they will be pliable, so they can be a little larger than you’d think they ought to be.

Photo by Hank Shaw

Salt them well. Lay down a layer of salt on a sheet tray and place the mushrooms on it. If the mushroom has a flat side, i.e., a button mushroom sliced in half, lay the flat side down against the salt. Sprinkle a heavy layer of salt over the tops of all the mushrooms. Let this stand at room temperature for 1-2 hours. You will notice a lot of water coming out of the mushrooms. This is good.

Put the mushrooms between paper towels and gently squeeze them a bit to remove a little more water.

Hank Shaw

Hank Shaw

Boil them in the vinegar for five minutes. The mushrooms will want to float. Use tongs or something to submerge them as much as you can. Fish out the mushrooms and put them between paper towels again and gently squeeze them to remove some of the vinegar.

Lay the mushrooms on a clean cloth to dry. Let them air dry until they are no longer damp, but still pliable. Don’t let them dry out into leather. Turn the mushrooms once or twice during this time. This will take between 12-24 hours, depending on how dry it is in your house and how much air circulation you have going.

Put the oil, lemon zest, oregano and chile in a bowl and toss the mushrooms in them. Pack this into glass jars. Use a chopstick or some other kind of clean stick to poke around the jar — you want to find and remove as many air bubbles as possible. Make sure the mushrooms are submerged in the oil.

porcini preserved in oil
Photo by Hank Shaw

Refrigerate and wait at least a week before eating. These mushrooms will keep in the fridge for 6 months.


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Funghi ripieni con ricotta (Wild mushrooms stuffed with ricotta)

One dozen mushroom caps,  more if small

1 cup well-drained ricotta

¼ cup dried breadcrumbs

¼ cup grated pecorino cheese

2 teaspoons fresh mint leaves, chopped

2 teaspoons fresh parsley, chopped

2 teaspoons fresh basil leaves, chopped

¼ teaspoon kosher salt

Ground black pepper to taste

Preheat the oven at 400F.

Remove stems from mushrooms and quickly rinse under water.   Drain well.  Set aside.

Mix the remaining ingredients until all blended.

Coat a baking dish with some olive oil.  Sprinkle the mushroom caps  with salt. Stuff each cap with one to two tablespoons of ricotta  filling, depending on size.

Place the stuffed mushroom caps inside the baking dish right next to each other.

Drizzle with olive oil.   Bake at 400 F for 20 minutes for large caps, 15 minutes for small caps.


Give it a try and enjoy it as an appetizer or as a light vegetarian meal! Crostone con i Funghi Grilled Bread with Sautéed Wild Mushrooms and Taleggio Cheese Four 3/4-inch-thick slices crusty Italian bread 1/3 cup extra-virgin olive oil 4 cloves garlic: 1 cut in half, 3 grated on Microplane or finely minced 4 ounces Taleggio, cut into four 1/8-inch-thick slices 1 pound assorted fresh wild mushrooms (chanterelles, porcini, shiitake, oyster) cleaned and cut into 1/4-inch slices 1 1/2 teaspoons kosher salt 2 tablespoons chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley Preheat a charcoal, gas, or stovetop grill to high heat or preheat broiler with an oven rack positioned about 6 inches below the heat source. Generously brush both sides of bread with about 2 tablespoons of the olive oil. Grill until toasted with a little color on both sides. Transfer to a baking sheet and rub both sides of toast with the cut garlic. Discard garlic. Top each toast with Taleggio and set aside. Heat the remaining olive oil in a 12-inch skillet over high heat. When oil is hot enough to sizzle a mushroom, add mushrooms and salt. Don’t stir until steam starts rising from sides of pan. Sprinkle with grated/minced garlic and sauté quickly, stirring frequently, just until mushrooms soften, about 3 minutes. Add parsley, stir, and taste for seasoning–add more salt, if necessary. Set aside. (Recipe can be made ahead up to this point.) Just before serving, place toast under broiler just until cheese melts. Transfer to individual dinner plates, top with mushrooms, and serve immediately with a knife and fork. Serves 4 Copyright 2006, Rosetta Costantino. All rights reserved. – See more at: http://cookingwithrosetta.com/?p=2208#sthash.xkh7YtwK.dpuf


needs work




Cleeve Prior

Where the Brockingtons lived. At least from 1500 until they moved to Birmingham.

from A history of the Cuunty of Worcester: 1913.  http://www.british-history.ac.uk/source.aspx?pubid=301



Clyve (xi cent.); Clive Prioris (xiii cent.); Priors Cleve (xvi cent.).

‘Clive surnamed Prior, seated in the fruytful Vale of Evesham and the large spredinge medows of the ryver Avon, runneth out as a foreland between the countys of Gloucester and Warwicke.’ (fn. 1)  The parish lies mainly on the left bank of the Avon, but a part of the north-west boundary is formed by the Arrow, about 100 acres of land known as Worcester Meadows, on the right bank of the Avon, being thus included.

The village of Cleeve Prior stands about a quarter of a mile from the river, backed by the long low ridge of Cleeve Hill with its crest of trees. A road, locally said to be Roman, (fn. 2)  runs along the length of the ridge to Marlcliff Hill in the north-eastern corner of the parish; the hamlet of Marlcliff lies just beyond the eastern border in Warwickshire. The boundary here coincides for an unusual distance with the limits of various fields, though in this respect the southern border is even more remarkable, lying as it does entirely along the edges of the fields in an almost straight line. Possibly it marks the end of the old common lands inclosed in 1775. (fn. 3)  The parish contains about 1,521 acres of land, of which 685 are arable and 711 under permanent grass. (fn. 4)  The soil is clay and the subsoil lower lias, (fn. 5)  and the chief crops are wheat, barley and beans.

An old road runs from the Icknield Street through Marlcliff to Cleeve Prior and enters the village close to the ‘King’s Arms,’ where the beehive yew-tree and quaintly cut bird above the hedge emulate the glory of the ‘Prior’s Garden’ at the manor-house.

The older houses and cottages of Cleeve Prior are built of limestone quarried in the neighbourhood, and their rubble walls present a marked contrast to the half-timber construction elsewhere so abundant. On the north-east of the church, which stands in a large churchyard surrounded by stone walls, is the manor-house, a T-shaped two-storied building of Elizabethan and earlier date, with its principal front towards the east. The oldest portion appears to be the entrance hall, with the apartments on the south side, the walls of which, though plastered inside and out, seem to be half-timber. The house probably assumed its present shape towards the end of the 16th century, when the north wing, containing, on the ground floor, the kitchen and offices, appears to have been remodelled and an entrance porch added at the south-east of the hall; perhaps, also, the rooms at the south end belong to this period. All this later work is of stone rubble masonry; the windows, where left in their original form, have stone mullions. In the north wing, approached from a lobby opening into the hall, is a staircase of original Elizabethan date. In the old court room, opening out of the hall on the south, is some panelling of the same date. now painted and grained. A second staircase leads out of this room, entered by a door in the panelling at the side of the chimney stack in its south wall. The hall appears to have been repaired internally in the first half of the 18th century, to which date the bold marble architrave of the fireplace belongs. There is also good panelling of the same period in the room at the east end of the north wing. Under one of the floors there is a hiding hole where Thomas Bushell is said to have been concealed for many months in 1650. The most interesting feature from an architectural point of view is the two-storied Elizabethan entrance porch on the east side. The side walls are of rubble, but the front wall is of ashlar work in a remarkably good state of preservation. The outer doorway has a semicircular head with slightly sunk spandrel panels, each occupied by a bust in high relief. The head of the bust in the left-hand spandrel has been broken off. Over the head of the doorway is an entablature, supported by three carved consoles, the frieze enriched with human heads and lions’ heads alternately. The room over the porch has a stone-mullioned and transomed window of four lights with a moulded sill, beneath which is a delicately modelled strapwork panel inscribed ‘DWE+ETTE+MW | NE+DROITE’ (Dieu et mon droit). The whole is surmounted by a gable with bracketed kneelers and moulded coping, crowned by the figure of a winged boy. The entrance doorway within the porch has a moulded wood frame and straight-sided four-centred head with foliated spandrels. The door itself is a fine specimen of 16th-century joinery. A magnificent avenue of clipped yews, known as the ‘Apostles and Evangelists,’ borders the flagged path leading to this entrance. In the yard on this side of the house are some stone stables with external stairs of the same material leading to the loft above. From the detail of the woodwork remaining, these appear to be of early 16th-century date. On the north side of the house is a circular pigeon-house of stone in excellent preservation.

On the east side of the road which leads out of the village past the rectory in the direction of Marlcliff is a stone house, now an inn, with the sign of the ‘King’s Arms,’ and in the gable is inscribed the date 1691 with the initials W.A. At the western extremity of the village, on the north side of the main street, is an interesting stone house, dated 1691, and formerly the residence of the Charlett family, but now derelict and used as a store-house for farm purposes. It is of two stories with an attic story in the roof; each floor contains two rooms, one on either side of the staircase, which is in the centre of the house. The room at the east end of the ground floor has a stone fireplace with a moulded four-centred head and jambs, and on the walls is a good plaster frieze, unfortunately in an advanced state of decay. In the room above is a fireplace of similar form. The handrail of the stairs appears to be of the 18th century. The house is gabled at each end and the single ridge-roof by which it is crowned is covered with stone slates. The windows throughout are mullioned, the attics being lighted by windows in the end gables and the staircase landing on this floor by stone dormers. The building is remarkable as an almost unaltered example of a small early 17th-century house. To the west of this, on the brow of Cleeve Hill, overlooking the valley of the Avon, is the base of an octagonal cross, probably of the 14th century. (fn. 6)  Cleeve Mill, by the River Avon, is chiefly interesting from the beauty of its surroundings. The older portion of the building, which appears to be of the 17th century, is of stone, and in the gable of this part are pigeon-cells. The channels in which the mill-wheels work, or rather used to work, for it is no longer in active use, are covered by arched roofs of stone rubble masonry. A later addition has been made of brick.

The following place-names occur in local records: Burgerd, (fn. 7)  Styacre, Pewytelowe (fn. 8)  (xiii cent.); Lowes and Waye, Blackberd, Forendell-in-the-Moor, Prutz and Rysam (fn. 9)  (xvi cent.).

The Barnt Green, Evesham and Ashchurch Branch of the Midland railway touches the north-west corner of the parish. The nearest station is Salford Priors, about a mile and a half from the village on the opposite side of the Avon.


The monastery of Worcester held land at CLEEVE PRIOR in early times; the monastic chartulary credits Ethelred with the gift. (fn. 10)  In 1086 the church held in Cleeve Prior and Atch Lench 10½ hides, of which 2 hides less 1 virgate were waste, (fn. 11)  but by the time of the survey of Oswaldslow (1108–18) the assessment of this holding had been reduced to 10 hides. (fn. 12)

King John came to Worcester in January 1207, and, after a solemn procession, prayed at the tomb of St. Wulfstan until Prior Ralf of Evesham, thinking the king’s mind sufficiently softened for benevolence, came to him asking for liberties in Cleeve and three other manors, (fn. 13)  which John granted, though not until he had received 100 marks and a palfrey. (fn. 14)

In 1220 a violent quarrel arose between the Worcester monastery and their bishop, William of Blois, who deposed Simon the prior and put in his own nominee, William Norman. (fn. 15)  Eventually, however, it was agreed, by the mediation of the archbishop, that William of Blois should appoint another prior from outside the Worcester community, and that the convent should grant the manor of Cleeve Prior as compensation to William Norman for his life. (fn. 16)  He died in 1233, and the estate then reverted to the prior and convent, (fn. 17)  in whose possession it remained until the Dissolution. (fn. 18)  Henry VIII granted it to the Dean and Chapter of Worcester, (fn. 19)  who continued to be the lords of the manor until 1650, (fn. 20)  when it was sold by the Parliamentary Commissioners to Peter Langston. (fn. 21)  At the Restoration the dean and chapter once more became the owners, and they continued to hold the estate until 1859, (fn. 22)  when it was taken over by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, who are the present lords of the manor. (fn. 23)

At the time of the Domesday Survey the church of Worcester held a mill in Cleeve which rendered a sextaries of honey. (fn. 24)  It seems to have been granted with the manor to William Norman, (fn. 25)  but was not included in the lease made after his death to the men of the vill (fn. 26) ; in 1237 it was let to the son of Thomas the miller for his life. (fn. 27)  By this time the nature of the rent had been altered twice at least, and the changes illustrate the process of commutation. During the early part of the 13th century the rent was paid partly in money, and the amount, probably up to 1233, was 3 marks and 40 ‘stiches’ of eels yearly (fn. 28) ; this was finally altered in the lease of 1237 to a payment of 1 mark quarterly. (fn. 29)

The history of the mill after this date is difficult to trace, but Cleeve corn-mill near the ford over the Avon in the north-west of the parish probably stands on the same site.

The privileges granted to the monks of Worcester in Cleeve by King John during his visit to the city in 1207 were very extensive. They included ‘soc et sac, thol et theam et infangenethef cum judicio aque et ignis et furcarum et ferri, et cum quitancia de visu thethingarum, et de murdris et misericordiis et cum omnibus aliis libertatibus et libris consuetudinibus.’ (fn. 30)  A grant of free warren in their demesne lands was obtained by the monks from Henry III in 1256, (fn. 31)  and confirmed to them in 1355 by Edward III. (fn. 32)

An interesting ‘custom of the manor from time out of mind’ is mentioned in 1585: if a tenant seised of any custumary land took a wife and died during her confinement, the wife had the right of holding all such custumary lands and tenements for her life, unless she married again or had surrendered her estate in the premises of her own free will during her husband’s life. (fn. 33)

In the register of Worcester Priory full details are given of the tenants holding land in Cleeve under the prior and of the services due from them in respect of their holdings in 1240. (fn. 34)  During the whole of the 13th century the work of consolidating the monastic possessions in Cleeve was actively carried on. In the reign of John the prior and convent had granted to William Ruppe for his good service a hide of land. (fn. 35)  This was afterwards let to Richard de Saunford and Hugh his brother, against whom an action for the recovery of the land was brought in 1211 by Thomas Ruppe. (fn. 36)  The court, however, held that the prior’s charter did not bind him to warrant to the heirs of William Ruppe, and the land was left at the disposal of the monastery. (fn. 37)  A littlelater the prior and convent obtained a small holding from Henry de Cleeve, the son of Sweyn de Littleton, (fn. 38)  and this gift was afterwards confirmed by Robert the Franklin and Alice his wife. (fn. 39)  In 1240 Hugh de Cleeve did homage for certain lands in the parish which he held of the prior. (fn. 40)  He died about 1240, when his lands passed to his widow Olive, (fn. 41)  who demised them after the death of her son Thomas to Geoffrey Pipard. (fn. 42)  The prior, however, declared that Thomas had sold the land to him, and brought a successful action for its recovery against Olive and Geoffrey. (fn. 43)

More difficult to acquire was a carucate of land belonging to Robert de Bellewe, which the priory was anxious to hold in mortmain, but which Robert, regardless of the health of his soul, seems to have been most unwilling to sell. In 1293 the convent tried to obtain licence for this alienation, but the jury declared that it would be the loss of the king ‘because if the said Robert be hanged the King would have the year’s waste and chattels,’ and of the county, ‘because if he live on the land he may be useful in assizes and summonses.’ (fn. 44)

Fortunately for the monastery Edward I came to Worcester in the following year, and the prior, Philip Aubyn, apparently seized this golden opportunity to coax him into granting the desired licence, (fn. 45)  though even then it was only sub condicionibus satis duris that the obdurate Robert at last agreed to give up his land. (fn. 46)

Further grants in mortmain were made to the monastery during the 14th century by Richard de Hawkeslowe, (fn. 47)  William the Freeman (fn. 48)  and Henry Austen. (fn. 49)

The manor-house and certain lands in Cleeve were rented from the dean and chapter in the 16th century by Edward Bushell, the second son of Edward Bushell of Broad Marston, co. Gloucs. (fn. 50)  Thomas Bushell, the servant and admirer of Francis Bacon, is said to have been a younger son of this family. (fn. 51)  He became the farmer of the royal mines, and did the king much service during the Civil War, having the so-called silver mines in Cardiganshire, and coining money at the mint in Aberystwyth Castle. After the Commonwealth was proclaimed he went into hiding for a time, (fn. 52)  according to a local tradition, at Cleeve Prior, but eventually gave securities for his good behaviour and obtained a renewal of his lease of the mines from the Protector. (fn. 53)  The manor-house at this time was held by Anthony Bushell, (fn. 54)  a less ardent Royalist who deserted the king’s service before the battle of Naseby, and compounded for his delinquency in 1649. (fn. 55)  He lived to see the Restoration, and in 1662 ‘post multa sub regiis vexillis fortiter gesta placide in Domino obdormivit.’ (fn. 56)  His descendants were still in the parish in 1720,  (fn. 57)  as tenants of the dean and chapter, but seem to have disappeared before the end of the century. (fn. 58)

Bushell. Argent a cheveron between three water-bougets sable.

Another family that was established for some time in the parish was that of Charlett, of whom Habington says that his ‘forefathers were of Cleeve Prior.’ (fn. 59)  Their name occurs in the 16th century, (fn. 60)  and they were still living in the parish in 1698. (fn. 61)  They continued in other parts of the county to a much later date.


The church of ST. ANDREW consists of a chancel 30 ft. by 16 ft., a nave about 40½ ft. by 15¼ ft., a south transept 16¼ ft. by 11½ ft. and a western tower 12 ft. square. These measurements are all internal.

The earliest work visible is a 12th-century buttress at the north-east angle of the nave. It is probably not in situ, and the details of its rounded angles suggest the jamb of a chancel arch rather than an external member. The existing nave, however, is but little later, dating probably from the first years of the 13th century, and, from its proportions and the irregular set-out with regard to the later chancel, may possibly have been the complete church without a structural chancel. Later in the 13th century the present chancel and small north and south transepts were added, the priest’s door and chancel windows being inserted in the following century. The tower dates from late in the 15th century. After the Reformation the transepts were destroyed, and the present brick south transept was constructed in the 18th century. The church has been repaired and restored in recent years.

The three-light east window of the chancel is modern and is in the style of the 14th century. The north-east window has modern tracery, also of 14th-century detail, but the jambs of the reveal are original. On the south side is a round-headed piscina, and in the same wall a two-light window, identical with its counterpart on the north. The south chancel door is of the late 14th century, and has a chamfered round head and jambs. The western windows in the north and south chancel walls are also 14th-century work, re-tooled, and have trefoiled heads. The chancel arch is two-centred and of two chamfered orders, of which the outer is continuous, but the inner dies on to flat responds.

On the north side of the nave the first window is of two lights under a square head and contains some fragments of old glass. Between the first and second windows traces indicating the position of a north transept are visible in the wall. The second and third windows are 13th-century lancets with wide splays, and below the former begins a rough string-course carried west to the tower and repeated on the south wall. The north door has a rebuilt round head. The two-centred arch to the south transept springs from 13th-century capitals, but the transept itself is modern. The three windows in the south wall of the nave are lancets similar to those on the north, and the south door repeats the type of the north on a larger scale. The tower arch is two-century and of two orders, and the west window has three lights with modern tracery in the 15th-century style. The west door has a square external head, but is now blocked up.

Plan of Cleeve Prior Church

Externally the tower is the finest feature of the church and is an excellent example of 15th-century work. The angles are supported by diagonal buttresses, and the parapet is embattled and had originally eight pinnacles, four of which now remain. The four belfry windows are of two transomed lights, with 15th-century tracery. Below the belfry are single-light windows and niches decorated with crocketed canopies. The chancel roof is modern, but that over the nave is of open timber, with moulded tie-beams, dating from the end of the 14th century.

The tower and nave are built of large ashlar work, but the chancel is of rubble masonry. The transept is mainly of modern red brick. On the north side of the eastern nave buttress, as stated above, are several 12th-century stones re-used. The font has an octagonal bowl with a moulding round the lower edge and a stem of the same form.

The tower contains four bells and a clock: the treble is inscribed, ‘Cantate domino canticum novum, 1658’; the second, ‘God be our good speed 1658, H.B.’; the third, ‘Richard Sanders made me 1722,’ with the churchwardens’ names; the fourth, with the churchwardens’ names, 1658.

Church Tower, Cleeve Prior

The plate consists of a cup of 1728 presented by Mrs. Elizabeth Bromwell in 1729, a silver paten of 1858, a modern plated flagon, a pewter flagon and two pewter almsdishes.

The registers before 1812 are as follows: (i) baptisms 1598 to 1717, burials and marriages 1599 to 1717; (ii) mixed entries 1717 to 1793, marriages extending only to 1754; (iii) baptisms and burials 1794 to 1812; (iv) marriages 1754 to 1812. There are no entries between 1641 and 1661. There is a book of churchwardens’ accounts from 1695 to 1823.


At the time of the Domesday Survey there was a priest at Cleeve Prior who held 1 hide of land. (fn. 62)  From the earliest date of which we have record the advowson of the church belonged to the priory of Worcester, (fn. 63)  and in 1214 the living was appropriated to the monks by Walter Gray, Bishop of Worcester. (fn. 64)  The church, which was worth £6 in 1291, (fn. 65)  was reserved to the priory when the manor was granted to William Norman, (fn. 66)  and its appropriation was confirmed in 1216 by Honorius III. (fn. 67)  A vicarage was immediately ordained, (fn. 68)  but there is no record at this time of a royal licence for the appropriation. This was probably not gained until 1308, when it seems to have been acquired through the agency of Walter Reynolds, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. (fn. 69)  The church was dedicated to St. Andrew, and a graveyard consecrated there by Bishop Walter Maidstone in September 1315. (fn. 70)  The advowson remained in the possession of the prior and convent until the Dissolution, (fn. 71)  when it was granted to the dean and chapter, (fn. 72)  who retained it until the Commonwealth. (fn. 73)  It was recovered by them at the Restoration, and has ever since that date remained in their possession. (fn. 74)

Bishop John of Coutances is said to have granted to the prior and convent out of the revenues of their church at Cleeve 17s. for pittances and 3s. for the maintenance of a light. (fn. 75)  called the light of St. Romain. The latter grant was perhaps represented at the date of the suppression of the chantries, in the reign of Edward VI, by the rent of 1s. arising out of the lands of the Dean and Chapter of Worcester, which was applied to the maintenance of a lamp in the church of Cleeve Prior. (fn. 76)

There do not appear to be any endowed charities in this parish.


1 Habington, Surv. of Worcs. i, 153.
2 A large hoard of gold and silver coins, principally of the 4th century, was found at a little distance from this road in 1811 (V.C.H. Worcs. i, 216–18.).
3 Priv. Act, 15 Geo. III, cap. 36. The landowners then freed themselves of all payments in lieu of tithe by the allotment of land to the dean and chapter (Nash, Hist. of Worcs. i, 236).
4 Statistics from Bd. of Agric. (1905).
5 Blue lias and limestone are quarried in the district, and the stone was well thought of in the 18th century (Nash, loc. cit.). Nash mentions the quarries at Cleeve Prior in 1780 and describes a fossil fish which had been found in one of them (ibid.).
6 a It is said to mark the spot where Prince Edward advancing from Alcester first saw the barons’ position at Evesham.
7 Hale, Reg. of Worc. Priory (Camd. Soc.), 87.
8 Prattinton Coll. (Soc. Antiq.), no. 320.
9 Ct. of Reg. bdle. 104, no. 25.
10 Heming, Chartul. 574; Habington (op. cit. i, 458) also describes the following inscription in the cloister of Worcester Cathedral, ‘Ethelfrithus Rex dedit Clivam.’
11 V.C.H. Worcs. i, 297.
12 Ibid. 326.
13 Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 395; Hale, Reg. of Worc. Priory (Camd. Soc.), 11a; Thomas, Surv. of Worc. Cathedral, 122.
14 Pipe R. 9 John, m. 19d.;Cal. Rot. Chart. 1199–1216 (Rec. Com.), 168.
15 Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 414.
16 Hale, op. cit. 27; Reg. G. Giffard (Worcs. Hist. Soc.), 61; Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 416.
17 Ann. Mon. iv, 425.
18 Ann. Mon. iv, 428; Hale, op. cit. passim; Habington, op. cit. i, 154; Prattinton Coll. (Soc. Antiq.), Deeds of D. and C. of Worc. no. 320; Ann. Mon. iv, 433, 442–3, 514; Inq. a.q.d. files 19, no.13; 145, no. 18; Pat. 16 Edw. 11, pt. i, m. 15; 29 Edw. III, pt. ii, m. 12; 33 Hen. VIII, pt. v, m. 19.
19 L. and P. Hen. VIII, xvii, g. 71 (29).
20 Ct. of Req. bdle. 104, no. 25; Pat. 6 Jas. I, pt. xii, no. 2.
21 Close, 1651, pt. 1, no. 30.
22 Pat. 4 Will. and Mary, pt. i, no. 6; Nash, Hist. of Worcs. i, 236.
23 Inform. from Ecclesiastical Commissioners; Lond. Gaz. 16 Dec. 1859, p. 4757; Stat. 31 Vict. cap. 19.
24 V.C.H. Worcs. i, 297.
25 Hale, op. cit. 27.
26 Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 425.
27 Ibid. 428.
28 Hale, op. cit. 87.
29 Ibid.; Ann. Mon. iv, 428.
30 Hale, op. cit. 11.
31 Pat. 29 Edw. III, pt. ii, m. 12.
32 Ibid.
33 Ct. of Req. bdle. 104, no. 25.
34 Hale, op. cit. 86–7.
35 Habington, op. cit. i, 154; Hale, op. cit. 62–3.
36 Hale, loc. cit.
37 Ibid.
38 Habington, op. cit. i, 154; Hale, op. cit. 87.
39 Habington, loc. cit.
40 Hale, op. cit. 87.
41 Ibid.; Ann. Mon. (Rolls. Ser.), iv, 433.
42 Hale, op. cit. 157–8. Olive had previously granted them to Thomas after the death of her mother, Emma de Bellewe, who held them in dower (ibid.).
43 Ibid. 158; Ann. Mon. iv, 443; Prattinton MSS. Deeds of D. and C. of Worc. no. 320. Emma de Bellewe seems to have retained a dower of 50s. yearly in the holding (Habington, op. cit. i, 155).
44 Inq. a.q.d. file 19, no. 13; Worcs. Inq. p.m. (Worcs. Hist. Soc.), i, 46. It appears, however, that Robert had never lived on the land and was not likely to do so, because he had other estates in Oxon. and Gloucs. (ibid.).
45 Pat. 22 Edw. I, m. 10. The licence is dated ‘Worcester 2 September.’
46 Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 514. The conditions were that Robert should receive 40 marks down and 10 marks yearly during his life (ibid.).
47 Inq. a.q.d. file 145, no. 18; Pat. 14 Edw. II, pt. ii, m. 23.
48 Pat. 16 Edw. II, pt. i, m. 15.
49 Habington, op. cit. i, 155.
50 Visit. of Warws. (Harl. Soc.), 139; Visit. of Gloucs. (Harl. Soc.), 238; Visit. of Worcs. (Harl. Soc.), 27.
51 Dict. Nat. Biog.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibid.
54 Cal. Com. for Comp. 2006.
55 Ibid.
56 M.I.
57 Ibid.
58 Nash (op. cit. i, 237) says, ‘The Bushells were the chief tenants of the manor.’
59 op. cit. ii, 40.
60 Ct. of. Req. bdle. 104, no. 25.
61 M.I.
62 V.C.H. Worcs. i, 297.
63 Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 403; Nash, op. cit. i, 238. The rhymed chronicle of benefactors (Heming, op. cit. 574) says, ‘Persone Clyve sumus ex Constante Johanne,’ which may possibly mean that the advowson was given to the convent by Bishop John of Coutances. Habington (op. cit. i, 469) mentions an inscription in a window in the west cloister: ‘Berwulfus Rex dedit ecclesiam de Clive.’
64 Hale, op. cit. 86; Ann. Mon. iv, 403.
65 Pope Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.), 217.
66 Hale, op. cit. 27.
67 Heming, op. cit. 536, 545.
68 Hale, op. cit. 86.
69 This is probably the explanation of a charter of appropriation from Walter Reynolds, 1308, mentioned by Habington (op. cit. i, 155), and of the confirmation by him in 1318 of ‘the gift of the church of Cleve which he made while Bishop of Worcester to the prior and convent of that place’ (Add. Chart. 41381).
70 Worc. Epis. Reg. Maidstone, fol. 37.
71 Sede Vac. Reg. (Worcs. Hist. Soc.), 380, 426. The clear annual value of the vicarage in 1536 was £8 (Valor Eccl. [Rec. Com.], iii, 264).
72 L. and P. Hen. VIII, xvii, g. 71 (29).
73 Inst. Bks. (P.R.O.).
74 Ibid.; Clergy Lists.
75 Thomas, op. cit. 121; Hale, op. cit. 109a.
76 Chant. Cert. 60, no. 69.


Apple Inc’s iPhone 5S, 5C sales seen hitting record 6-million as lines form around world for new phones debut

Adam Satariano, Bloomberg News | 20/09/13 | Last Updated: 20/09/13 7:50 AM ET
People wait in the queue for the new iPhone 5S outside London's flagship Apple store on Regent Street on Friday in London, England. Some consumers have queued for five days, sleeping in makeshift tents, to be the first to own the new updated iPhone.

Mary Turner/Getty Images People wait in the queue for the new iPhone 5S outside London’s flagship Apple store on Regent Street on Friday in London, England. Some consumers have queued for five days, sleeping in makeshift tents, to be the first to own the new updated iPhone.

Apple Inc. attracted long lines of shoppers at its retail stores Friday for the global debut of its latest iPhones, in the company’s biggest move this year to stoke new growth.

Available now, many of iOS 7′s changes are cosmetic, but some big improvements in functionality might mean you don’t need to buy a new iPhone.

In Munich, about 2,000 people lined up and at the Louvre in Paris about 300 people waited ahead of the 8 a.m. opening. At Tokyo’s Ginza area store there were about 800 people, including some dressed as Batman and Apple co-founder Steve Jobs in a face mask, jeans and black turtleneck. A Beijing store attracted a crowd of only about 50 because buyers had to register online for an appointment to collect their devices.

The iPhone 5s and 5c handsets also go on sale Friday in Hong Kong, Singapore, Germany, France, U.K. and the U.S. It’s the first time Apple is rolling out its flagship product for sale in China on the same day as elsewhere, rescinding the usual three-month delay, as the company seeks to lure new customers in the world’s largest mobile-phone market.

“Last year, if you wanted an iPhone 5 right after the launch, it was very expensive because you had to buy one that had been brought in from Hong Kong or the U.S.,” said Max Zhang, a 20-year-old student waiting at the Wangfujing store in Beijing for an iPhone 5s. “Now that I can buy it directly in the Apple Store, it’s cheaper.”

Samsung Competition

Opening-weekend sales are crucial to boosting Apple after nearly a year without releasing a new device and ceding market share to rivals including Samsung Electronics Co. in the $280 billion smartphone market. Whether the Cupertino, California- based company can surpass the record 5 million smartphones sold during last year’s iPhone debut depends largely on whether there is enough supply of the feature-rich iPhone 5s.

“It really depends entirely on how good or bad the yields on the 5s are,” said Carl Howe, an analyst at Yankee Group, who correctly predicted opening weekend sales last year. Apple could top 7 million in sales if it has enough handsets, though “Apple may not even hit the 5 million I predicted last year if the 5s is in really short supply,” he said.

Apple will sell as many as 6 million units even though it won’t have enough iPhone 5s handsets available, according to Gene Munster, an analyst at Piper Jaffray Cos. New fingerprint- reading technology makes the gadget harder to manufacture, he said. Brian Marshall, an analyst with ISI Group, also predicts 6 million iPhones will be sold.

Apple fell 0.1% to the equivalent of $471.63 in German trading at 9:38 a.m. Frankfurt time.

Mary Turner/Getty Images

Mary Turner/Getty ImagesPeople sleep on the floor as they queue for iPhone 5S at Regent Street in London, England.

Camping Out

In some places, people started camping out in front of Apple stores days ago to get the new iPhones, evoking scenes from earlier product introductions — even though the gadget is now six years old.

“I started lining up five days ago,” said Sachihisa Saishiki, a 45-year-old who runs his own business and has camped outside the Tokyo Ginza store at least six times previously. “I was with a group of 10, and we took turns going out for food, going back home to take showers. I spent time sleeping out here, too, lying down on a cardboard box,” he said after buying a gold iPhone 5s.

At the Paris Opera store, dozens of people had gathered by 7:30 p.m., prepared to stay overnight with a weather forecast for rain. Some had blankets and campers’ chairs. At the Louvre, a group of 20 Italians had waited since yesterday morning.

“We all met through Facebook, got on a bus and came to Paris to get the new iPhone because it’s not available in Italy,” said Jacopo Famularo, a 23-year-old blogger from Verona.

Fingerprint Technology

Outside Apple’s Regent Street store in London, the line was about 1 mile (1.6 kilometers) this morning. Said Alkadi, a 52- year-old dentist, had flown from Jordan to buy new iPhones for his kids because they will only go on sale in the country later.

“They can’t wait that long,” he said. “When I get home I will be dancing in the street because I completed the mission!”

The iPhone 5s features a new camera and faster processor. It costs $199 to $399 depending on the amount of memory and with a two-year wireless contract. Without a contract, the smartphone costs at least $649.

For the less-expensive iPhone 5c, Apple took last year’s iPhone 5 and mostly repackaged it in a new plastic casing that’s offered in five different colors. It costs $99 to $199 with a two-year contract, or $549 without one.

Jessica Hromas/Bloomberg<br />

Jessica Hromas/Bloomberg A man holds two recently purchased Apple Inc. iPhone 5s, left, as another man counts out Hong Kong dollar banknotes outside an Apple store in the Causeway Bay area of Hong Kong, China, on Friday.

‘New Toy’

“I just want a new toy,” said Felix Peters, a 21-year-old student, as he waited outside Apple’s store near Munich’s historic Marienplatz square. “It was clear that the changes wouldn’t be that big but I’m still happy.”

Amy Bessette, a spokeswoman for Apple, declined to comment.

In addition to the new handsets, Apple also introduced a new mobile operating system, iOS 7, to customers Sept. 18. It includes a redesign of applications like e-mail, calendar and photos, and adds new icons, fonts and color scheme.

“It’s not about having a large screen or powerful hardware, it’s about the balance of everything,” said Jimmy Gunawan, a 33-year-old freelance filmmaker who bought two gold iPhone 5s models, one for himself and one for his mother, from Sydney’s George Street store.

Every iPhone release is critical for Apple because the product accounts for about half its revenue. Since the iPhone 5 started selling last year, the company has faced increased competition from rivals including Samsung, which has become the world’s largest maker of smartphones by offering customers a wider variety of designs and prices.

Lintao Zhang/Getty Images

Lintao Zhang/Getty ImagesA customer celebrates buying two new iPhone 5s at the Wangfujing flagship store on Friday in Beijing, China. It’s the first time Apple is rolling out its flagship product for sale in China on the same day as elsewhere, rescinding the usual three-month delay, as the company seeks to lure new customers in the world’s largest mobile-phone market.

China Focus

“This is the second time for me to line up here, but it feels like there’s more people this time than the last time,” said Katsuki Tochi, a 37-year-old salaryman in Tokyo who bought black and white versions of the iPhone 5s. “I love Apple, their design is great.”

Apple typically puts out a press release with opening- weekend sales figures on the Monday after the iPhone goes on sale.

How Apple performs in China is particularly important, given the scale of the market there. Analysts have questioned whether the price of the iPhone 5c — more than the equivalent of $700 because of tariffs — will be too expensive for customers in China. Partly because of that, Apple shares have fallen 6% since the company announced the iPhone pricing last week.

A survey of 25 of the earliest customers at the Beijing store found 22 customers were there for the more expensive 5s model, compared with three for the 5c.

“Tim Cook is now finally treating China as important as the U.S.,” said Tony Yu, 28, referring to Apple’s chief executive officer. The local government bureaucrat woke up at 2 a.m. and drove more than 300 kilometers (186 miles) from Qinhuangdao to be at the Beijing store by 6 a.m. “It costs me about one month’s pay, but it’s worth it.”

APPLE and Wallets

Very interesting piece by


Subject: How AAPL is expanding its ecosystem through me3rchant payments\.

Thanks again to tftf and Michael Slattery for inspiring these articles.

In my previous article I outlined the potential of BLE (Bluetooth Low Energy) and the danger it poses to NFC (Near Field Communications).

Now I want to consider the potential implications of BLE, Apple’s (AAPL) strategy and the future of the mobile payments industry.

Apple Has Rejected NFC

Apple first started investigating NFC in early 2010 and then hired experts in the NFC field. Here we are in late 2013, another iPhone has come out and there is still no sign of NFC. iBeacons are the final confirmation that Apple has rejected NFC.

Mobile Payments

Most people agree that the days of the physical credit card are numbered (even if they do not agree on the timing). Your debit and credit cards will be combined into a single digital wallet. The benefits are clear.

  1. You don’t have to carry a bunch of different cards around wasting space.
  2. You don’t have to worry about cards getting lost or stolen.
  3. It will save a huge amount of time when paying. I always thought this was a major flaw of cards. It’s actually more time consuming and inefficient to pay with a card than with cash. I hate queuing behind people struggling with their cards and pins.
  4. Using Apple’s TouchID your fingerprint should be more secure and you can’t forget your pin (more on this later).

Assuming you can make it secure, the only major disadvantage of the digital wallet is that you might be left stranded if your battery runs out.

Google Wallet

Google (GOOG) has developed Google Wallet as its digital alternative which supports all major credit and debit cards. It was designed to be used with NFC but I expect Google will adapt it to add BLE support in the future.

Google’s open platform offers merchants and users free access to the wallet. It plans to make money by offering targeted ads based on users’ spending patterns. Google has now implemented a Buy with Google Button which allows merchants to integrate Google Wallet into their own Android apps.

Google recently axed its NFC redemption of gift and loyalty cards. There are rumors that Google Wallet at the point of sale is “marked for extinction“.

Even as I write this Google has announced a major update to its wallet, making it accessible on all Android phones running 2.3 or higher. The app is no longer limited to phones outfitted with NFC. In fact even phones with NFC may not be able to use it if they are on the wrong carrier. This might be a further indication that Google is backing away from NFC. Although clearly Google still has big plans for its wallet I think this marks a clear change in strategy.

So far Google Wallet has struggled. Until yesterday’s update it was only available through Sprint (S) in the US because the US carriers (AT&T (T), Verizon (VZ) and T-Mobile) have developed their own rival service ISIS. ISIS works with an NFC SIM card and it uses the secure element embedded in the SIM. The Google wallet app also makes use of this secure element and this is why carriers like Verizon have been able to block Google wallet in favor of its own service.

ISIS has been in testing since October last year and has largely been forgotten about. But ISIS has just announced a nationwide roll out later this year.

Apple has not been playing along with ISIS, requiring ISIS to use an external secure element to make its product work on the iPhone. Now we know why (see below).

Security Worries

A major issue that has plagued Google Wallet is security.

Back at the end of 2011 Via Forensics found that Google Wallet left too much information unencrypted on the phone.

In February 2012 Security firm Zvelo discovered that the Google Wallet PIN, which is required of users to confirm purchases made with their phones, can be cracked via an exhaustive numerical search. Being able to access the PIN would allow criminals to use a Google Wallet-enabled phone to make purchases.

One reason that Google wallet hasn’t worked so far is consumers understandably don’t trust it. It could make you vulnerable to identity theft. Imagine losing your phone with all your cards and personal details in it.

NFC Security worries

A major issue with NFC has been security concerns. If your phone is lost or stolen there is nothing to stop a thief swiping the phone for his own use. Therefore a further authentication is required making NFC little different to conventional cards. Touch ID, Apple’s new finger print scanning technology, could solve this problem.

Paypal (EBAY)

Hill Ferguson, VP of Global Product at PayPal, believes that consumers don’t trust the idea of putting a card on their phone. That gives PayPal a major advantage. It acts as a third party so there is nothing extra the consumer needs to do.

PayPal has just announced a major update to its iOS and Android apps designed at making this strategy a reality. The app is designed for seamless payment. It can be used to order items before you’ve even entered the store and then a visual confirmation is all that’s required to complete the payment. I recommend watching this interview with Ferguson.

Ferguson makes the company strategy very clear – PayPal wants to take its user base into the physical world through mobile payments.

PayPal sees the huge potential in mobile payments. But what’s interesting, as I showed in part 1, PayPal is clearly seem embracing BLE over NFC. PayPal has developed its own beacons to work with merchants.

It is also interesting to note Google’s fallout with PayPal. Google negotiated with PayPal for two years for its wallet before instead hiring the PayPal executive negotiating the deal and other PayPal employees.

Apple’s Mobile Payment Strategy

Touch ID

iBeacons true power could be revealed when combined with TouchID. I don’t think it’s a coincidence we are seeing iBeacons and TouchID launched together. The potential for TouchID could be enormous.

Will Touch ID work as Apple claims and will people trust it?

With the prevalance of privacy concerns, the fingerprint scanner was always going to be a potential banana skin. Already police scare stories are circulating which Apple can’t do much about.

Early reviews of TouchID have been positive. TouchID works by scanning sub epidermal layers of the skin, rather than just a surface print. That means you won’t be able to lift someone’s finger print from a smudge and use it to hack their iPhone. Apple has also said that detection only works with living tissue.

Apple is not storing fingerprint data in the cloud. Instead fingerprint data is stored in a secure enclave on the A7 chip. This is reassuring but potentially has greater significance.

According to ARS Technica, if fingerprint data never leaves the device its weakness will be how it communicates the authenticated valid print with Apple’s servers. If it uses an authenticated token, that token may be replicable and open to abuse. We will have to wait until we learn more and see how this works in practice.

The secure enclave in Apple’s A7 chip may be far more important than we initially thought.

As Brian Roemmele, CEO of 1st American Card Service, says

“Very few people have really understood just how revolutionary TouchID is. Apple not only has developed one of the most accurate mass produced biometric security devices, they have also solved critical problems with how the data from this device will be encrypted, stored and secured.”

So in a stroke Apple solves the major security issues which have plagued NFC and Google Wallet. And Apple won’t have the same issues with the carriers. That’s the genius of TouchID that we’re missing. It’s not just about the scanner, it’s about the A7 chip which can act as a secure enclave for personal data. So if you lose your phone you don’t have to worry about losing your identity or the phone being used to make fraudulent payments.

Roemmele thinks,

“It’s clear that mobile payment is the core application behind ARM’s work.”

The closed nature of iOS also makes it ideally suited for a secure mobile payment system compared to the more open and potentially vulnerable Android.

“It Takes Time” – Apple Ad

Apple has been working on this since 2008. Yes since 2008, not long after the iPhone launched. I would be surprised if Apple doesn’t have a clear strategy mapped out for this technology. This is not just a handy feature to save a few seconds when you unlock your phone. Mobile payments need security to work and Apple may just have solved that.

So how does Apple take its 575 million accounts and enable those consumers to seamlessly make mobile payments in the real world?

Passbook Speculation

Passbook was Apple’s idea of replacing the wallet. You take all your tickets, loyalty cards etc and put them in one app. The natural extension of this is to add in credit and debit cards and create a digital wallet.

I don’t think Apple ever intends to open up Touch ID to third party apps. I expect everything will be routed through trusted apps, such as the App Store, Passbook or iTunes.

The question is will Apple launch its own iPay service? Will it have a button for third party apps similar to Google? Will it compete with PayPal and the card processors?

Credit card companies like Visa (V) and MasterCard (MA) won’t welcome another party meddling in the purchase process they currently control. But Apple’s 575 million account details should put it in a very strong negotiating position. That’s more than PayPal and Amazon’s accounts combined. Rather than directly competing, Apple may seek a licensing deal which allows other parties access to its secure hardware.

David Schropfer’s view

“Apple, Microsoft and Google want to own the biometric hardware for device access and also own the secure element hardware for OTA security so they can offer unbeatable security to third-party apps in exchange for revenue-generating license agreements.”

How Does This Impact Apple’s Bottom Line?

According to market research firm Gartner, every year people use their cell phones to buy $172 billion worth of items. And that number is expected to increase 249% by 2016.

The potential for mobile payments is clearly enormous. That potential is only realized with security and that’s what could make this so valuable for Apple.

If Apple can take a cut of its account holders purchases in the real world it could have a very meaningful impact on earnings.


We thought Apple was about to revolutionize the watch or TV industry next. We were wrong. You combine the A7 chip, the Touch ID, the iBeacons, Passbook and Apple’s 575 million credit card details and I conclude that it seems highly probable that Apple is preparing to make a major move into mobile payments.

Disclaimer: Each article or comment written by this author is intended as general information only, and is not intended to provide specific advice, or due diligence to be relied on. As such, the information presented in any article does not consider any reader’s personal investment objectives or financial situation; therefore, no article makes any personalized recommendations. See full disclaimer here

Source: Is Apple About To Revolutionize The Mobile Payments Industry? Part 2

The Bishop

Flowers that are useful for mass planting.

Dahlia ‘Bishop of Llandaff’ is a branching, tuberous tender perennial cultivar with dark eggplant-colored, almost black, foliage. This produces a stunning contrast with its scarlet flowers.


large llandaff llandaff-early in year

The plant was named to honour Pritchard Hughes, Bishop of Llandaff, in 1924 and won the RHS Award of Garden Merit in 1928. The plant is about 1 m tall and flowers from June until September. As with all dahlias, frost blackens its foliage, and its tubers need to be overwintered in a dry, frost-free place.
A seed strain has been produced from this plant called ‘Bishops Children’, they retain the dark foliage color but produce a mix of flower colors and flower shapes from single to semi-double flowers in different sizes.
Plant Profile:- Height:1.1m (3&1/2ft) Spread: 45cm (18in) site: Full Sun Soil: Fertile, free-draining Hardiness: Half hardy
Also comes in rich reds & purples, yellows & oranges, as well as paler shades

Wiki Categories:


How to propagate it


Clumps of dahlia tubers can be divided in the spring before they are re-planted. Use a clean, sharp knife and slice the tubers into sections, making sure that each section has a healthy dormant bud (known as an ‘eye’) on it. Dust all the cut surfaces with a fungicide to help prevent infection. Plant the sections immediately.


To get even more new plants, you can take basal stem cuttings from dahlias in late winter. To do this you need to get the dahlia tubers growing earlier in the season, so plant them in potting compost, leaving the tops of the tubers exposed, and keep them moist in light shade at at least 12˚C. They should then start growing.

When the new shoots are around 10cm tall, use a clean, sharp knife and cut each stem out, taking a small chip of the tuber with it. Remove any leaves from the lower part of the stem and then pot it up in free draining compost (eg cutting compost) and keep it humid and at about 19˚C. Gradually reduce the humidity as the cuttings start to grow, pot them on, and harden them off before planting out after all chances of frost have passed.


You can also take softwood cuttings from dahlias in the spring. Encourage early growth by potting the tuber over winter (keeping it moist but frost free) and then moving it into a warmer spot (minimum 10˚C) in early spring to stimulate early growth. Then take softwood cuttings as normal.

SEEDS–Bishops Children

Flowers are varied colours. Heirloom Flower - Dahlia 'Bishop's Children

Dahlia ‘Bishop’s Children (examples)

(Dahlia sp.)

A seed grown descendant of Bishop of Llandaff Dahlia. The plants have purple foliage and the flowers range from orange, red and pink.

A very showy plant. Ht: 3’ tall. (lift tubers in fall)–even when grown from seed.

  • Package Qty: 25 seeds
  • Price: $3.00


Pollinated Flower Seeds, Bishop’s Children, 50 Seed Packet

by Seed Savers Exchange

List Price: $8.30
Price: $5.88 & FREE Shipping on orders over $25. Details
You Save: $2.42 (29%)
Only 4 left in stock (more on the way).
Ships from and sold by Amazon.com. Gift-wrap available.
Want it Wednesday, Sept. 18?

Order within 15 hrs 17 mins and choose One-Day Shipping at checkout.


2 new from $3.79
  • Although dahlias were discovered in the 16th century by Spanish conquistadors, not until 1872 was a box of tubers sent to Europe
  • Bishop’s Children is a seed-grown descendant of Bishop of Llandaff dahlia, introduced in 1927
  • Striking mix of rich colors, impressive dark foliage
  • Half-hardy annual, 28-36-inch tall
  • Bishop?s Children is a seed-grown descendant of Bishop of Llandaff dahlia, introduced in 1927



General source of cheap seeds: BY THE POUND.



Rise of a USA New Left–Beinart

Interesting analysis. Canada is very different, especially because of Quebec and our native groups, but there are some parallels. Harper is defining how far left Trudeau will go. One key is how rising plutocracy creates rise in support for socialism.


Content Section

The Rise of the New New Left

by       Sep 12, 2013 4:45 AM EDT     

Bill de Blasio’s win in New York’s Democratic primary isn’t a local story. It’s part of a vast shift that could upend three decades of American political thinking. By Peter Beinart

Maybe Bill de Blasio got lucky. Maybe he only won because he cut a sweet ad featuring his biracial son. Or because his rivals were either spectacularly boring, spectacularly pathological, or running for Michael Bloomberg’s fourth term. But I don’t think so. The deeper you look, the stronger the evidence that de Blasio’s victory is an omen of what may become the defining story of America’s next political era: the challenge, to both parties, from the left. It’s a challenge Hillary Clinton should start worrying about now.

Bill de Blasio
Bill de Blasio, center, and his son Dante greet commuters at the Staten Island ferry terminal on September 4, 2013 in New York. (Mary Altaffer/AP)

To understand why that challenge may prove so destabilizing, start with this core truth: For the past two decades, American politics has been largely a contest between Reaganism and Clintonism. In 1981, Ronald Reagan shattered decades of New Deal consensus by seeking to radically scale back government’s role in the economy. In 1993, Bill Clinton brought the Democrats back to power by accepting that they must live in the world Reagan had made. Located somewhere between Reagan’s anti-government conservatism and the pro-government liberalism that preceded it, Clinton articulated an ideological “third way”: Inclined toward market solutions, not government bureaucracy, focused on economic growth, not economic redistribution, and dedicated to equality of opportunity, not equality of outcome. By the end of Clinton’s presidency, government spending as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product was lower than it had been when Reagan left office.

For a time, small flocks of pre-Reagan Republicans and pre-Clinton Democrats endured, unaware that their species were marked for extinction. Hard as they tried, George H.W. Bush and Bob Dole could never muster much rage against the welfare state. Ted Kennedy never understood why Democrats should declare the era of big government over. But over time, the older generation in both parties passed from the scene and the younger politicians who took their place could scarcely conceive of a Republican Party that did not bear Reagan’s stamp or a Democratic Party that did not bear Clinton’s. These Republican children of Reagan and Democratic children of Clinton comprise America’s reigning political generation.

By “political generation,” I mean something particular. Pollsters slice Americans into generations at roughly 20-year intervals: Baby Boomers (born mid-1940s to mid-1960s); Generation X (mid-1960s to early 1980s); Millennials (early 1980s to 2000). But politically, these distinctions are arbitrary. To understand what constitutes a political generation, it makes more sense to follow the definition laid out by the early-20th-century sociologist Karl Mannheim. For Mannheim, generations were born from historical disruption. As he argued—and later scholars have confirmed—people are disproportionately influenced by events that occur between their late teens and mid-twenties. During that period—between the time they leave their parents’ home and the time they create a stable home of their own—individuals are most prone to change cities, religions, political parties, brands of toothpaste. After that, lifestyles and attitudes calcify. For Mannheim, what defined a generation was the particular slice of history people experienced during those plastic years. A generation had no set length. A new one could emerge “every year, every thirty, every hundred.” What mattered was whether the events people experienced while at their most malleable were sufficiently different from those experienced by people older or younger than themselves.

Mannheim didn’t believe that everyone who experienced the same formative events would interpret them the same way. Germans who came of age in the early 1800s, he argued, were shaped by the Napoleonic wars. Some responded by becoming romantic-conservatives, others by becoming liberal-rationalists. What they shared was a distinct generational experience, which became the basis for a distinct intra-generational argument.

Barack Obama and Bill Clinton share a moment at the 2012 Democratic National Convention. (Getty Images)

If Mannheim’s Germans constituted a political generation because in their plastic years they experienced the Napoleonic Wars, the men and women who today dominate American politics constitute a political generation because during their plastic years they experienced some part of the Reagan-Clinton era. That era lasted a long time. If you are in your late 50s, you are probably too young to remember the high tide of Kennedy-Johnson big government liberalism. You came of age during its collapse, a collapse that culminated with the defeat of Jimmy Carter. Then you watched Reagan rewrite America’s political rules. If you are in your early ‘40s, you may have caught the tail end of Reagan. But even if you didn’t, you were shaped by Clinton, who maneuvered within the constraints Reagan had built. To pollsters, a late 50-something is a Baby Boomer and an early 40-something is a Gen-Xer. But in Mannheim’s terms, they constitute a single generation because no great disruption in American politics divides them. They came of age as Reagan defined a new political era and Clinton ratified it. And as a rule, they play out their political struggles between the ideological poles that Reagan and Clinton set out.

To understand how this plays out in practice, look at the rising, younger politicians in both parties. Start with the GOP. If you look at the political biographies of nationally prominent 40-something Republicans—Bobby Jindal, Scott Walker, Paul Ryan, Marco Rubio, Ted Cruz—what they all have in common is Reagan. Jindal has said about growing up in Louisiana, “I grew up in a time when there weren’t a whole lot of Republicans in this state. But I identified with President Reagan.” At age 17, Scott Walker was chosen to represent his home state of Colorado in a Boys Nation trip to Washington. There he met “his hero, Ronald Reagan,” who “played a big role in inspiring me.” At age 21, Paul Ryan interned for Robert Kasten, who had ridden into the Senate in 1980 on Reagan’s coattails. Two years later he took a job with Jack Kemp, whose 1981 Kemp-Roth tax cut had helped usher in Reaganomics. Growing up in a fiercely anti-communist Cuban exile family in Miami, Marco Rubio writes in his autobiography that “Reagan’s election and my grandfather’s allegiance to him were defining influences on me politically.” Ted Cruz is most explicit of all. “I was 10 when Reagan became president,” he told a conservative group earlier this year. “I was 18 when he left the White House … I’ll go to my grave with Ronald Wilson Reagan defining what it means to be president … and when I look at this new generation of [Republican] leaders I see leaders that are all echoing Reagan.”

Younger Democratic politicians are less worshipful of Clinton. Yet his influence on their worldview is no less profound. Start with the most famous, still-youngish Democrat, a man who although a decade older than Rubio, Jindal, and Cruz, hails from the same Reagan-Clinton generation: Barack Obama. Because he opposed the Iraq War, and sometimes critiqued the Clintons as too cautious when running against Hillary in 2008, some commentators depicted Obama’s victory as a rejection of Clintonism. But to read The Audacity of Hope—Obama’s most detailed exposition of his political outlook—is to be reminded how much of a Clintonian Obama actually is. At Clintonism’s core was the conviction that to revive their party, Democrats must first acknowledge what Reagan got right.

Obama, in describing his own political evolution, does that again and again: “as disturbed as I might have been by Ronald Reagan’s election … I understood his appeal” (page 31). “Reagan’s central insight … contained a good deal of truth” (page 157). “In arguments with some of my friends on the left, I would find myself in the curious position of defending aspects of Reagan’s worldview” (page 289). Having given Reagan his due, Obama then sketches out a worldview in between the Reaganite right and unreconstructed, pre-Reagan left. “The explanations of both the right and the left have become mirror images of each other” (page 24), he declares in a chapter in which he derides “either/or thinking” (page 40). “It was Bill Clinton’s singular contribution that he tried to transcend this ideological deadlock” (page 34). Had the term not already been taken, Obama might well have called his intermediary path the “third way.”

The nationally visible Democrats rising behind Obama generally share his pro-capitalist, anti-bureaucratic, Reaganized liberalism. The most prominent is 43-year-old Cory Booker, who is famously close to Wall Street and supports introducing market competition into education via government-funded vouchers for private schools. In the words of New York magazine, “Booker is essentially a Clinton Democrat.” Gavin Newsom, the 45-year-old lieutenant governor of California, has embraced Silicon Valley in the same way Booker has embraced Wall Street. His book, Citizenville, calls for Americans to “reinvent government,” a phrase cribbed from Al Gore’s effort to strip away government bureaucracy in the 1990s. “In the private sector,” he told Time, “leaders are willing to take risks and find innovative solutions. In the public sector, politicians are risk-averse.” Julian Castro, the 39-year-old mayor of San Antonio and 2012 Democratic convention keynote speaker, is a fiscal conservative who supports NAFTA.

The argument between the children of Reagan and the children of Clinton is fierce, but ideologically, it tilts toward the right. Even after the financial crisis, the Clinton Democrats who lead their party don’t want to nationalize the banks, institute a single-payer health-care system, raise the top tax rate back to its pre-Reagan high, stop negotiating free-trade deals, launch a war on poverty, or appoint labor leaders rather than Wall Streeters to top economic posts. They want to regulate capitalism modestly. Their Reaganite Republican adversaries, by contrast, want to deregulate it radically. By pre-Reagan standards, the economic debate is taking place on the conservative side of the field. But—and this is the key point–there’s reason to believe that America’s next political generation will challenge those limits in ways that cause the leaders of both parties fits.

America’s youngest adults are called “Millennials” because the 21st century was dawning as they entered their plastic years. Coming of age in the 21st century is of no inherent political significance. But this calendric shift has coincided with a genuine historical disruption. Compared to their Reagan-Clinton generation elders, Millennials are entering adulthood in an America where government provides much less economic security. And their economic experience in this newly deregulated America has been horrendous. This experience has not produced a common generational outlook. No such thing ever exists. But it is producing a distinct intragenerational argument, one that does not respect the ideological boundaries to which Americans have become accustomed. The Millennials are unlikely to play out their political conflicts between the yard lines Reagan and Clinton set out.

See which celebrities support Bill de Blasio, one of the rising stars of the new new left.

Even if they are only a decade older than Millennials, politicians like Cruz, Rubio, and Walker hail from a different political generation.

In 2001, just as the first Millennials were entering the workforce, the United States fell into recession. By 2007 the unemployment rate had still not returned to its pre-recession level. Then the financial crisis hit. By 2012, data showed how economically bleak the Millennials’ first decade of adulthood had been. Between 1989 and 2000, when younger members of the Reagan-Clinton generation were entering the job market, inflation-adjusted wages for recent college graduates rose almost 11 percent, and wages for recent high school graduates rose 12 percent. Between 2000 and 2012, it was the reverse. Inflation-adjusted wages dropped 13 percent among recent high school graduates and 8 percent among recent graduates of college.

But it was worse than that. If Millennials were victims of a 21st-century downward slide in wages, they were also victims of a longer-term downward slide in benefits. The percentage of recent college graduates with employer-provided health care, for instance, dropped by half between 1989 and 2011.

Christine Quinn and Hillary Clinton meet in Manhattan. (Getty Images)

The Great Recession hurt older Americans, too. But because they were more likely to already have secured some foothold in the job market, they were more cushioned from the blow. By 2009, the net worth of households headed by someone over 65 was 47 times the net worth of households headed by someone under 35, almost five times the margin that existed in 1984.

One reason is that in addition to coming of age in a terrible economy, Millennials have come of age at a time when the government safety net is far more threadbare for the young than for the middle-aged and old. As the Economic Policy Institute has pointed out, younger Americans are less likely than their elders to qualify for unemployment insurance, food stamps, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, or the Earned Income Tax Credit. (Not to mention Medicare and Social Security.)

Millennials have also borne the brunt of declines in government spending on higher education. In 2012, according to The New York Times, state and local spending per college student hit a 25-year low. As government has cut back, universities have passed on the (ever-increasing) costs of college to students. Nationally, the share of households owing student debt doubled between 1989 and 2010, and the average amount of debt per household tripled, to $26,000.

Economic hardship has not always pushed Americans to the left. In the Clinton-Reagan era, for instance, the right often used culture and foreign policy to convince economically struggling Americans to vote against bigger government. But a mountain of survey data—plus the heavily Democratic tilt of Millennials in every national election in which they have voted—suggests that they are less susceptible to these right-wing populist appeals. For one thing, right-wing populism generally requires rousing white, Christian, straight, native-born Americans against Americans who are not all those things. But among Millennials, there are fewer white, Christian non-immigrants to rouse. Forty percent of Millennials are racial or ethnic minorities. Less than half say religion is “very important” to their lives.

And even those Millennials who are white, Christian, straight, and native-born are less resentful of people who are not. According to a 2010 Pew survey, whites under the age of 30 were more than 50 points more likely than whites over 65 to say they were comfortable with someone in their family marrying someone of another ethnicity or race. A 2011 poll by the Public Religion Research Institute found that almost 50 percent of evangelicals under the age of 30 back gay marriage.

Of course, new racial, ethnic, and sexual fault lines could emerge. But today, a Republican seeking to divert Millennial frustrations in a conservative cultural direction must reckon with the fact that Millennials are dramatically more liberal than the elderly and substantially more liberal than the Reagan-Clinton generation on every major culture war issue except abortion (where there is no significant generational divide).

They are also more dovish on foreign policy. According to the Pew Research Center, Millennials are close to half as likely as the Reagan-Clinton generation to accept sacrificing civil liberties in the fight against terrorism  and much less likely to say the best way to fight terrorism is through military force.

A protester carries a flag at Occupy Wall Street. (Andrew Burton/Getty Images)

It is these two factors—their economic hardship in an age of limited government protection and their resistance to right-wing cultural populism—that best explain why on economic issues, Millennials lean so far left. In 2010, Pew found that two-thirds of Millennials favored a bigger government with more services over a cheaper one with fewer services, a margin 25 points above the rest of the population. While large majorities of older and middle-aged Americans favored repealing Obamacare in late 2012, Millennials favored expanding it, by 17 points. Millennials are substantially more pro–labor union than the population at large.

The only economic issue on which Millennials show much libertarian instinct is the privatization of Social Security, which they disproportionately favor. But this may be less significant than it first appears. Historically, younger voters have long been more pro–Social Security privatization than older ones, with support dropping as they near retirement age. In fact, when asked if the government should spend more money on Social Security, Millennials are significantly more likely than past cohorts of young people to say yes.

Most striking of all, Millennials are more willing than their elders to challenge cherished American myths about capitalism and class. According to a 2011 Pew study, Americans under 30 are the only segment of the population to describe themselves as “have nots” rather than “haves.” They are far more likely than older Americans to say that business enjoys more control over their lives than government.  And unlike older Americans, who favor capitalism over socialism by roughly 25 points, Millennials, narrowly, favor socialism.

There is more reason to believe these attitudes will persist as Millennials age than to believe they will change. For starters, the liberalism of Millennials cannot be explained merely by the fact that they are young, because young Americans have not always been liberal. In recent years, polls have shown young Americans to be the segment of the population most supportive of government-run health care. But in 1978, they were the least supportive. In the last two elections, young Americans voted heavily for Obama. But in 1984 and 1988, Americans under 30 voted Republican for president.


Nor is it true that Americans necessarily grow more conservative as they age. Sometimes they do. But academic studies suggest that party identification, once forged in young adulthood, is more likely to persist than to change. There’s also strong evidence from a 2009 National Bureau of Economic Research paper that people who experience a recession in their plastic years support a larger state role in the economy throughout their lives.

The economic circumstances that have pushed Millennials left are also unlikely to change dramatically anytime soon. A 2010 study by Yale economist Lisa Kahn found that even 17 years later, people who had entered the workforce during a recession still earned 10 percent less than those who entered when the economy was strong.  In other words, even if the economy booms tomorrow, Millennials will still be suffering the Great Recession’s aftershocks for decades.

And the economy is not likely to boom. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke doesn’t believe the unemployment rate will reach 6 percent until 2016, and even that will be higher than the 1990s average. Nor are the government protections Millennials crave likely to appear anytime soon. To the contrary, as a result of the spending cuts signed into law in 2010 and the sequester that began this year, non-defense discretionary spending is set to decline by decade’s end to its lowest level in 50 years.

If Millennials remain on the left, the consequences for American politics over the next two decades could be profound. In the 2008 presidential election, Millennials constituted one-fifth of America’s voters. In 2012, they were one-quarter. In 2016, according to predictions by political demographer Ruy Teixeira, they will be one-third. And they will go on constituting between one-third and two-fifths of America’s voters through at least 2028.

This rise will challenge each party, but in different ways. In the runup to 2016, the media will likely feature stories about how 40-something Republicans like Marco Rubio, who blasts Snoop Dog from his car, or Paul Ryan, who enjoys Rage Against the Machine, may appeal to Millennials in ways that geezers like McCain and Romney did not. Don’t believe it. According to a 2012 Harvard survey, young Americans were more than twice as likely to say Mitt Romney’s selection of Ryan made them feel more negative about the ticket than more positive. In his 2010 Senate race, Rubio fared worse among young voters than any other age group. The same goes for Rand Paul in his Senate race that year in Kentucky, and Scott Walker in his 2010 race for governor of Wisconsin  and his recall battle in 2012.

Pre-election polls in Ted Cruz’s 2012 senate race in Texas (there were no exit polls) also showed him faring worst among the young.

The likeliest explanation for this is that while younger Republican candidates may have a greater cultural connection to young voters, the ideological gulf is vast. Even if they are only a decade older than Millennials, politicians like Cruz, Rubio, and Walker hail from a different political generation both because they came of age at a time of relative prosperity and because they were shaped by Reagan, whom Millennials don’t remember. In fact, the militantly anti-government vision espoused by ultra-Reaganites like Cruz, Rubio, and Walker isn’t even that popular among Millennial Republicans. As a July Pew survey notes, Republicans under 30 are more hostile to the Tea Party than any other Republican age group. By double digits, they’re also more likely than other Republicans to support increasing the minimum wage.

Republicans may modestly increase their standing among young voters by becoming more tolerant on cultural issues and less hawkish on foreign policy, but it’s unlikely they will become truly competitive unless they follow the counsel of conservative commentators Ross Douthat and Reihan Salam and “adapt to a new reality—namely, that today, Americans are increasingly worried about their economic security.” If there’s hope for the GOP, it’s that Millennials, while hungry for government to provide them that economic security, are also distrustful of its capacity to do so. As a result of growing up in what Chris Hayes’ has called the “fail decade” —the decade of the Iraq War, Hurricane Katrina and the financial crisis—Millennials are even more cynical about government than the past generations of young Americans who wanted less from it. If a Republican presidential candidate could match his Democratic opponent as a champion of economic security and yet do so in a way that required less faith in Washington’s competence and benevolence, he might boost the GOP with young voters in a way no number of pop-culture references ever could.

If the Millennials challenge Reaganite orthodoxy, they will likely challenge Clintonian orthodoxy, too. Over the past three decades, Democratic politicians have grown accustomed to campaigning and governing in the absence of a mobilized left. This absence has weakened them: Unlike Franklin Roosevelt or Lyndon Johnson, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama could never credibly threaten American conservatives that if they didn’t pass liberal reforms, left-wing radicals might disrupt social order. But Democrats of the Reagan-Clinton generation have also grown comfortable with that absence. From Tony Coelho, who during the Reagan years taught House Democrats to raise money from corporate lobbyists to Bill Clinton, who made Goldman Sachs co-chairman Robert Rubin his chief economic adviser, to Barack Obama, who gave the job to Rubin’s former deputy and alter ego, Larry Summers, Democrats have found it easier to forge relationships with the conservative worlds of big business and high finance because they have not faced much countervailing pressure from an independent movement of the left.

But that may be changing. Look at the forces that created Occupy Wall Street. The men and women who assembled in September 2011 in Zuccotti Park bore three key characteristics. First, they were young. According to a survey published by City University of New York’s Murphy Institute for Worker Education and Labor, 40 percent of the core activists involved taking over the park were under 30 years old. Second, they were highly educated. Eighty percent possessed at least a bachelors’ degree, more than twice the percentage of New Yorkers overall. Third, they were frustrated economically. According to the CUNY study, more than half the Occupy activists under 30 owed at least $1,000 in student debt. More than a one-third had lost a job or been laid off in the previous five years. In the words of David Graeber, the man widely credited with coining the slogan “We are the 99 percent,” the Occupy activists were “forward-looking people who had been stopped dead in their tracks” by bad economic times.

Occupy Wall Street protesters picket during a May Day rally in front of the Bank of America building in 2012. (Monika Graff/Getty Images)

For a moment, Occupy shook the country. At one point in December 2011, Todd Gitlin points out in Occupy Nation, the movement had branches in one-third of the cities and towns in California. Then it collapsed. But as the political scientist Frances Fox Piven has argued, “The great protest movements of history … did not expand in the shape of a simple rising arc of popular defiance. Rather, they began in a particular place, sputtered and subsided, only to re-emerge elsewhere in perhaps a different form, influenced by local particularities of circumstance and culture.”

It’s impossible to know whether the protest against inequality will be such a movement. But the forces that drove it are unlikely to subside. Many young Americans feel that economic unfairness is costing them a shot at a decent life. Such sentiments have long been widespread among the poor. What’s new is their prevalence among people who saw their parents achieve—and expected for themselves—some measure of prosperity, the people Chris Hayes calls the “newly radicalized upper-middle class.”

If history is any guide, the sentiments behind Occupy will find their way into the political process, just as the anti-Vietnam movement helped create Eugene McCarthy’s presidential bid in 1968, and the civil-rights movement bred politicians like Andrew Young, Tom Bradley, and Jesse Jackson. That’s especially likely because Occupy’s message enjoys significant support among the young. A November 2011 Public Policy Polling survey found that while Americans over 30 opposed Occupy’s goals by close to 20 points, Millennials supported them by 12.

Bill de Blasio’s mayoral campaign offers a glimpse into what an Occupy-inspired challenge to Clintonism might look like. In important ways, New York politics has mirrored national politics in the Reagan-Clinton era. Since 1978, the mayoralty has been dominated by three men—Ed Koch, Rudy Giuliani, and Michael Bloomberg—who although liberal on many cultural issues have closely identified Wall Street’s interests with the city’s. During their time in office, New York has become far safer, cleaner, more expensive, and more unequal. In Bloomberg’s words, New York is now a “high-end product.

City Council Speaker Christine Quinn, despite her roots on the left as a housing and LGBT activist, became Bloomberg’s heir apparent by stymieing bills that would have required businesses to give their employees paid sick leave and mandated a higher minimum wage for companies that receive government subsidies. Early in the campaign, many commentators considered this a wise strategy and anticipated that as New York’s first lesbian mayor, Quinn would symbolize the city’s unprecedented cultural tolerance while continuing its Clintonian economic policies.

Then strange things happened. First, Anthony Weiner entered the race and snatched support from Quinn before exploding in a blaze of late-night comedy. But when Weiner crashed, his support went not back to Quinn but to de Blasio, the candidate who most bluntly challenged Bloomberg’s economic philosophy. Calling it “an act of equalization in a city that is desperately falling into the habit of disparity,” de Blasio made his central proposal a tax on people making over $500,000 to fund universal childcare. He also called for requiring developers to build more affordable housing and ending the New York Police Department’s “stop and frisk” policies that had angered many African-Americans and Latinos. Bloomberg’s deputy mayor Howard Wolfson tweeted that de Blasio’s “agenda is clear: higher taxes, bigger govt, more biz mandates. A u-turn back to the 70s.”

But in truth, it was Wolfson who was out of date: Fewer and fewer New Yorkers remember the 1970s, when economic stagnation, rising crime, and bloated government helped elect both Ed Koch and Ronald Reagan. What concerns them more today is that, as The New Yorker recently noted, “If the borough of Manhattan were a country, the income gap between the richest twenty per cent and the poorest twenty per cent would be on par with countries like Sierra Leone, Namibia, and Lesotho.”  In Tuesday’s Democratic primary, Quinn defeated de Blasio in those parts of New York where average income tops $175,000 per year.  But he beat her by 25 points overall.

Democrats in New York are more liberal than Democrats nationally. Still, the right presidential candidate, following de Blasio’s model, could seriously challenge Hillary Clinton. If that sounds far-fetched, consider the last two Democratic presidential primary campaigns. In October 2002, Howard Dean was so obscure that at a Jefferson-Jackson Day dinner, Iowa Sen. Tom Harkin repeatedly referred to him as “John.” But in the summer of 2003, running against the Iraq War amidst a field of Washington Democrats who had voted to authorize it, Dean caught fire. In the first quarter of the year he raised just under $3 million, less than one-third of John Kerry’s total. In the second quarter, he shocked insiders by beating Kerry and raising over $7 million. In the third quarter, he raised almost $15 million, far more than any Democrat ever had. By November, Harkin, Al Gore, and the nation’s two most powerful labor unions had endorsed Dean and he was well ahead in the Iowa polls.

At the last minute, Dean flamed out, undone by harsh attacks from his rivals and his campaign’s lack of discipline. Still, he established a template for toppling a Democratic frontrunner: inspire young voters, raise vast funds via small donations over the Web, and attack those elements of Clintonian orthodoxy that are accepted by Democratic elites but loathed by liberal activists on the ground.

In 2008, that became the template for Barack Obama. As late as October 2007, Hillary enjoyed a 33-point lead in national polls. But Obama made her support for the Iraq War a symbol of her alleged timidity in challenging the right-leaning consensus in Washington. As liberals began to see him as embodying the historic change they sought, Obama started raising ungodly amounts via small donors over the Internet, which in turned won him credibility with insiders in Washington. He overwhelmed Hillary Clinton in caucus states, where liberal activists wield greater power. And he overwhelmed her among younger voters. In the 2008 Iowa caucuses, youth turnout rose 30 percent and among voters under the age of 30, Obama beat Hillary by 46 points.

Hillary starts the 2016 race with formidable strengths. After a widely applauded term as secretary of state, her approval rating is 10 points higher than it was when she began running in 2008. Her vote to authorize Iraq will be less of a liability this time. Her campaign cannot possibly be as poorly managed. And she won’t have to run against Barack Obama.

Still, Hillary is vulnerable to a candidate who can inspire passion and embody fundamental change, especially on the subject of economic inequality and corporate power, a subject with deep resonance among Millennial Democrats. And the candidate who best fits that description is Elizabeth Warren.

A crowd watches Azealia Banks onstage during the Coachella Festival. (Karl Walter/Getty Images)

First, as a woman, Warren would drain the deepest reservoir of pro-Hillary passion: the prospect of a female president. While Hillary would raise vast sums, Dean and Obama have both shown that in the digital age, an insurgent can compete financially by inspiring huge numbers of small donations. Elizabeth Warren can do that. She’s already shown a knack for going viral. A video of her first Senate banking committee hearing, where she scolded regulators that “too-big-to-fail has become too-big-for-trial,”  garnered 1 million hits on YouTube. In her 2012 Senate race, despite never before having sought elected office, she raised $42 million, more than twice as much as the second-highest-raising Democrat. After Bill Clinton and the Obamas, no other speaker at last summer’s Democratic convention so electrified the crowd.

Warren has done it by challenging corporate power with an intensity Clinton Democrats rarely muster. At the convention, she attacked the “Wall Street CEOs—the same ones who wrecked our economy and destroyed millions of jobs—[who] still strut around Congress, no shame, demanding favors, and acting like we should thank them.”

And in one of the biggest applause lines of the entire convention, taken straight from Occupy, she thundered that “we don’t run this country for corporations, we run it for people.”

Don’t be fooled by Warren’s advanced age. If she runs, Millennials will be her base. No candidate is as well positioned to appeal to the young and economically insecure. Warren won her Senate race by eight points overall, but by 30 points among the young. The first bill she introduced in the Senate was a proposal to charge college students the same interest rates for their loans that the Federal Reserve offers big banks. It soon garnered 100,000 hits on YouTube.

A big reason Warren’s speech went viral was its promotion by Upworthy, a website dedicated to publicizing progressive narratives. And that speaks to another, underappreciated, advantage Warren would enjoy. Clinton Democrats once boasted a potent intellectual and media infrastructure. In the late 1980s and 1990s, the Democratic Leadership Council and its think tank, the Progressive Policy Institute, were the Democratic Party’s hottest ideas shops, and they dedicated themselves to restoring the party’s reputation as business-friendly. Influential New Democratic–aligned magazines like The New Republic and Washington Monthly also championed the cause.

Today, that New Democratic infrastructure barely exists. The DLC has closed down. The New Republic and Washington Monthly have moved left. And all the new powerhouses of the liberal media—from Paul Krugman (who was radicalized during the Bush years) to Jon Stewart (who took over The Daily Show in 1999) to MSNBC (which as late as 2008 still carried a show hosted by Tucker Carlson)—believe the Democrats are too soft on Wall Street.

You can see that shift in the race for governor of the Federal Reserve, where the liberal media has rallied behind Janet Yellen and against the more Wall Street–identified Larry Summers. In the age of MSNBC, populist Democrats enjoy a media echo chamber that gives them an advantage over pro-business Democrats that did not exist a decade ago. And if Clinton, who liberal pundits respect, runs against Warren, who liberal pundits revere, that echo chamber will benefit Warren.

Of course, Warren might not run. Or she might prove unready for the national stage. (She has no foreign-policy experience). But the youthful, anti-corporate passion that could propel her candidacy will be there either way. If Hillary Clinton is shrewd, she will embrace it, and thus narrow the path for a populist challenger. Just as New York by electing Ed Koch in 1978 foreshadowed a national shift to the right, New York in 2013 is foreshadowing a national shift to the left. The door is closing on the Reagan-Clinton era. It would be ironic if it was a Clinton herself who sealed it shut.


Why is it so good? Why is it so good for you?

The Science Behind Honey’s Eternal Shelf Life



What is it that makes honey such a special food?  Photo via Flickr user Flood G.

Modern archeologists, excavating ancient Egyptian tombs, have often found  something unexpected amongst the tombs’ artifacts: pots of honey, thousands of years old, and yet still  preserved. Through millennia, the archeologists discover, the food remains  unspoiled, an unmistakable testament to the eternal shelf-life of  honey.

There are a few other examples of foods that keep–indefinitely–in their raw  state: salt, sugar, dried rice are a few. But there’s something about honey; it  can remain preserved in a completely edible form, and while you wouldn’t want to  chow down on raw rice or straight salt, one could ostensibly dip into a thousand  year old jar of honey and enjoy it, without preparation, as if it were a day  old. Moreover, honey’s longevity lends it other properties–mainly medicinal–that other resilient foods don’t have.  Which raises the question–what exactly makes honey such a special food?

The answer is as complex as honey’s flavor–you don’t get a  food source with no expiration date without a whole slew of  factors working in perfect harmony.

The first comes from the chemical make-up of honey itself. Honey is, first  and foremost, a sugar. Sugars are hygroscopic, a term  that means they contain very little water  in their natural state but can readily suck in moisture if left unsealed.  As Amina Harris, executive director of the Honey and  Pollination Center at the Robert Mondavi Institute at Univeristy of California,  Davis explains, “Honey in its natural form is very low moisture. Very few  bacteria or microorganisms can survive in an environment like that, they just  die. They’re smothered by it, essentially.” What Harris points out represents an  important feature of honey’s longevity: for honey to spoil, there needs to be  something inside of it that can spoil. With such an inhospitable environment,  organisms can’t survive long enough within the jar of honey to have the chance  to spoil.

Honey is also naturally extremely acidic. “It has a pH that falls between 3  and 4.5, approximately, and that acid will kill off almost anything that wants  to grow there,” Harris explains. So bacteria and spoil-ready organisms must look  elsewhere for a home–the life expectancy inside of honey is just too low.

But honey isn’t the only hygroscopic food source out there. Molasses, for  example, which comes from the byproduct of cane sugar, is extremely hygroscopic,  and is acidic, though less so than honey (molasses has a pH of around 5.5). And yet–although  it may take a long time, as the sugar cane product has a longer  shelf-life than fresh produce, eventually molasses will spoil.

So why does one sugar solution spoil, while another lasts indefinitely? Enter  bees.

“Bees are magical,” Harris jokes. But there is certainly a special  alchemy that goes into honey. Nectar, the first material collected by bees to  make honey, is naturally very high in water–anywhere from 60-80 percent, by  Harris’ estimate. But through the process of making honey, the bees play a large  part in removing much of this moisture by flapping their wings to literally dry  out the nectar. On top of behavior, the chemical makeup of a bees stomach also  plays a large part in honey’s resilience. Bees have an enzyme in their stomachs  called glucose oxidase (PDF). When the bees regurgitate the nectar  from their mouths into the combs to make honey, this enzyme mixes with the  nectar, breaking it down into two by-products: gluconic acid and hydrogen  peroxide. “Then,” Harris explains, “hydrogen peroxide is the next thing that  goes into work against all these other bad things that could possibly grow.”

For this reason, honey has been used for centuries as a medicinal remedy.  Because it’s so thick, rejects any kind of growth and contains hydrogen  peroxide, it creates the perfect barrier against infection for wounds. The earliest recorded use of honey for medicinal purposes comes from Sumerian clay tablets, which state that honey was used in 30 percent  of prescriptions. The ancient Egyptians used medicinal honey regularly, making ointments to treat  skin and eye diseases. “Honey was used to cover a wound or a burn or a slash, or  something like that, because nothing could grow on it – so it was a natural  bandage,” Harris explains.

What’s more, when honey isn’t sealed in a jar, it sucks in moisture. “While it’s drawing water out of the  wound, which is how it might get infected, it’s letting off this very minute  amount of hydrogen peroxide. The amount of hydrogen peroxide comes off of honey  is exactly what we need–it’s so small and so minute that it actually promotes  healing.” And honey for healing open gashes is no longer just folk  medicinein the past decade, Derma Sciences, a medical device  company, has been marketing and selling MEDIHONEY, bandages covered in honey used in hospitals  around the world.

If you buy your honey from the supermarket, that little plastic bottle of  golden nectar has been heated, strained and processed so that it contains zero  particulates, meaning that there’s nothing in the liquid for molecules to  crystallize on, and your supermarket honey will look the same for almost  forever. If you buy your honey from a small-scale vendor, however, certain  particulates might remain, from pollen to enzymes. With these particulates, the  honey might crystallize, but don’t worry–if it’s sealed, it’s not spoiled  and won’t be for quite some time.

A jar of honey’s seal, it turns out, is the final factor that’s key to  honey’s long shelf life, as exemplified by the storied millennia-old Egyptian  specimens. While honey is certainly a super-food, it isn’t supernatural–if you leave it out,  unsealed in a humid environment, it will spoil. As Harris explains, ” As long as  the lid stays on it and no water is added to it, honey will not go bad. As soon  as you add water to it, it may go bad. Or if you open the lid, it may get more  water in it and it may go bad.”

So if you’re interested in keeping honey for hundreds of years, do what the bees do and keep it sealed–a hard thing to do with this delicious  treat!

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